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1.
Carl Middleton Jeremy Allouche 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(3):100-117
The countries sharing the Lancang-Mekong River are entering a new era of hydropolitics with a growing number of hydropower dams throughout the basin. Three ‘powersheds’, conceptualised as physical, institutional and political constructs that connect dams to major power markets in China, Thailand and Vietnam, are transforming the nature–society relations of the watershed. In the process, new conditions are produced within which the region’s hydropolitics unfold. This is epitomised by the ‘Lancang-Mekong Cooperation’ framework, a new initiative led by China that proposes programs on both economic and water resource development, and anticipates hydrodiplomacy via China’s dam-engineered control of the headwaters. 相似文献
2.
Joyeeta Gupta 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(3):118-131
The 2014 entry into force of the UN Watercourses Convention of 1997 could institutionalise water law globally, thereby countering hydro-hegemonic approaches. However, since the Convention is out of date; has been ratified by only 36, mostly downstream countries; does not require amendments of pre-existing treaties; and has no Conference of the Parties to ensure that it becomes a living treaty, its actual influence in addressing the evolving problems in transboundary river basins remains minimal. Nevertheless, it is not unimaginable that with an appropriate follow-up to this Convention, it could be converted into a living and relevant framework convention in the future. 相似文献
3.
Fred H. Lawson 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):129-144
Egypt and Ethiopia continue to oppose one another over the allocation of the waters of the Nile River basin, despite a succession of provisional multilateral agreements. Officials in Cairo insist that Egypt be guaranteed its “historic rights” to two-thirds of the river’s flow, while their counterparts in Addis Ababa demand an “equitable” distribution of water among all of the riparian countries. More important, Sudan’s shift in alignment from Egypt to Ethiopia has injected new tension into the dispute, and the sustained involvement of South Sudan, Kenya, Uganda and Eritrea heightens the likelihood that periodic crises will escalate into armed confrontations. Consequently, existing studies that offer sanguine assessments of the potential for a compromise settlement fail to address the key dynamics that drive the conflict. 相似文献
4.
进入21世纪,澜湄流域的人口增长、经济快速发展和城镇化,增加了各国用水需求,而各国对水资源的非协调性开发以及气候变化影响下的极端天气频发,导致水安全问题凸显,流域可持续发展面临压力。当前,澜湄流域水安全处于中等脆弱状态,但已建、在建和计划建设项目的累积影响将进一步加剧水资源脆弱性。为保障水安全,湄公河国家迫切期望加强彼此之间及与上游的中国在水资源问题上的磋商、协调和合作,其共同水安全需求从低到高可分为四个层次:防洪安全、供水安全、生态安全及水—粮食—能源协同安全。这四种安全需求是同时存在的,但在流域国家社会经济发展所处的不同阶段,亦有不同侧重。澜湄水安全合作既要满足流域各国水安全需求,又不能脱离流域的整体发展,因此应正确把握安全与发展的辩证关系,分阶段、有步骤地推进和深化:尽早建立风险防控协调机制,开展流域国家联合勘察和应对气候变化协同研究;2030年左右建立供水安全和生态安全合作机制;到21世纪中叶开展全流域水资源综合管理,实现水—粮食—能源协同安全。 相似文献
5.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):147-178
This paper reports the creation of a data set of 256 cases of international conflict between 1815 and 1965. These conflicts consisted of (1) international disputes and crises in which the use of force appeared likely, (2) the unreciprocated use of violence, and (3) the reciprocated use of violence. The paper includes some statistics describing patterns in the data and contains an Appendix listing the data set. 相似文献
6.
How do countries’ actions on the international stage affect their reputations? We propose that, particularly when evaluating countries about whom individuals may have few prior beliefs, international agreements may hold particular sway in establishing countries’ reputations. Specifically, if a relatively unknown country joins an organization with a country that has a good reputation, individuals will judge that original state to be less risky; if the better-known countries are generally perceived to have a bad reputation, the less-known state will also look more risky. This article presents evidence from a survey experiment in which individuals are asked about the weight of various factors in their perceptions of countries’ reputations. Subjects would randomly receive a prompt about a country’s domestic policy reform or its ties to other countries via economic or cultural agreements. The results show that states’ international ties play a role in assessments about country reputations. We also examine possible mechanisms underlying this finding. Lower risk associated with agreements with good countries is largely a function of anticipated economic benefits. However, the higher risk associated with agreements with bad countries seems to be more a function of anticipated political closeness between countries. 相似文献
7.
Optimal transfers and participation decisions in international environmental agreements 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Carlo Carraro Johan Eyckmans Michael Finus 《The Review of International Organizations》2006,1(4):379-396
The literature on international environmental agreements has recognized the role transfers play in encouraging participation
in international environmental agreements. However, the results achieved so far are overly specific. Therefore, we develop
a more general framework that enables us to study the role of transfers in a systematic way. We propose transfers using both
internal and external financial resources for making “welfare optimal agreements” self-enforcing. To illustrate the relevance
of our transfer scheme, we use a stylized integrated assessment simulation model of climate change to show how appropriate
transfers may induce almost all countries into signing a self-enforcing climate treaty.
相似文献
8.
One of the most striking developments in the global economy in the past decades is the rapid proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs), with many of them concluded among or with participation of developing countries. On the presumption that current popular debates on trade policy are not so much about whether citizens want free trade but rather what kinds of trade liberalization they want, we examine individual trade policy preferences with regard to PTAs that can vary in content along several dimensions. To that end we carried out conjoint choice experiments embedded in representative surveys in three developing countries that differ strongly in income levels, political system, and trade liberalization history: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Vietnam. We conceptualize trade policy preferences as preferences over the scale and scope of trade liberalization, environmental and labor standards, and labor market access (migration). Two main findings emerge. First, non-economic considerations, such as sympathy/antipathy toward particular countries and environmental and labor rights concerns influence citizens’ preferences at least as much as factors based on standard economic logic. Second, preferences over particular facets (attributes) of trade liberalization, that is PTA content, are surprisingly consistent across countries, despite strong differences in macro-economic and political context. 相似文献
9.
《Journal of common market studies》2017,55(3):419-431
The paper studying the 1995 EU–Turkey Customs Union (CU) delivers a quantitative assessment of trade and GDP per capita effects of the CU on the Turkish economy. Our Synthetic Control Method based analysis reveals, contrary to the results of most studies in the literature, that the CU's effects have been substantial by any standards. In particular, the paper shows that in the absence of the EU–Turkey CU, Turkish exports to the EU and GDP per capita would have been 38 per cent and 13 per cent less, respectively. 相似文献
10.
We highlight the seeming emergence globally of a non–WTO; a patchwork quilt of regional and bilateral trade management arrangements
dealing with issues well beyond what the WTO covers and reflecting a wider and different set of concerns. In particular, we
discuss recent regional trade and economic partnership agreements of a group of large population, developing economies (BRICSAM:
Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, ASEAN, and Mexico). Perhaps 50 out of 300 agreements that exist worldwide involve
BRICSAM countries; most are recently concluded and will be implemented over the next few years. They exist along with extensive
bilateral investment treaties, mutual recognition agreements, and other country to country (or region) arrangements. This
paper aims to document and characterize the agreements and analyze their possible impacts. Agreements differ in specificity,
coverage and content. In some treaties there are detailed and specific commitments, but these also co–exist with seemingly
vague commitments and (at times) opaque dispute settlement and enforcement mechanisms. No overarching bloc–wide strategies
seem to exist but whether these represent an emerging structure for newly negotiated reciprocity and trade management or instead
largely limited content diplomatic initiatives which co–exist alongside significant WTO (World Trade Organisation) disciplines
is the issue.
This paper has been written as part of the BRICSAM project underway at The Centre for International Governance Innovation,
Waterloo, Ontario, Canada. We are grateful to Andrew Cooper, Sylvia Ostry, Daniel Schwanen, Terry Sicular, Gilbert Winham,
Ron Wonnacott, and three anonymous reviewers for discussions and suggestions. 相似文献
11.
The international regime for the promotion and protection of foreign investment consists of a multitude of close to 3,000 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and related international investment agreements (IIAs). Yet, despite a growing body of research on IIAs, scholars in political economy have paid little attention to the legal language in the treaties themselves. In this research note, we draw on the conceptual apparatus of the legalization literature and focus on legal precision in BITs. We use a new data set created through quantitative text analysis to develop an index measuring legal precision. We then investigate the causes of the pronounced increase in precision in BITs and the considerable variation across treaties. We argue that capital-exporting countries are the primary drivers of change, and that they are motivated because they learn the implications of existing legal language from two sources: First, from the growing number of arbitration proceedings, and second, when they themselves are targeted by such claims. We provide statistical tests of our hypotheses and find ample support. 相似文献
12.
长篇小说《废置的舞台》于1994年获得俄语布克奖,该书是俄罗斯著名诗人布拉特·奥库贾瓦对20世纪二三十年代之后的苏联社会历史所进行的自传性的书写。小说中运用了假定性与真实性相结合、叙事聚焦的转换和空间对比中的陌生化等叙事手法,表现出作家对苏联时期乌托邦的解构、对苏联历史的独特反思以及对超越一切时尚潮流的自由与心灵价值的终极追求的叙事格调。 相似文献
13.
Renée Jeffery 《冲突、安全与发展》2016,16(1):33-51
In 1999, the United Nations made a strong stand against impunity for human rights crimes by prohibiting the inclusion of blanket amnesties in peace agreements. This article examines the impact of the UN’s anti-amnesty policy on one of the first states to be affected by it, Timor-Leste. It argues that even in the absence of an amnesty, more than 15 years after independence impunity still reigns in Timor-Leste, due a lack of judicial capacity, political interference, the persistent belief that amnesties facilitate reconciliation, and an unwillingness on the part of the international community to adequately fund the justice process. That is, this article argues that the UN has oversold its position on amnesties, and that although its anti-amnesty policy is taking hold, in the case of Timor-Leste at least, justice seems as elusive as ever. 相似文献
14.
水资源一体化管理是东北地区区域整合的基础之一,也是节水型社会建设的根本要求。东北地区的水资源一体化管理虽有"松辽管理模式"等的发展基础,但在体制与机制、水市场建设、水资源安全等方面仍存在许多问题。借助国内外水资源管理的理论成果,认为东北地区的水资源一体化管理应该主要理顺管理体制和运行机制、进一步完善安全系统、加快水市场建设步伐、协调好区域水资源配置、加快全区域节水型社会建设。 相似文献
15.
Multilateral negotiations at the World Trade Organization have stalled. This has contributed to a steep rise in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). At the same time, negotiations for PTAs have not always proven quick and painless: While some treaties are sealed within a few months or days only, other agreements are preceded by protracted bargaining processes in trade and trade-related issue areas. In this article, we provide a theoretical explanation for this empirical variation. More specifically, we argue that PTA negotiations take longer the greater the distance between the prospective partners’ initial bargaining positions. Moreover, we contend that negotiation processes become more protracted the higher the relative ambition of the prospective PTA. Due to the limited links to the domestic political arena in autocracies, we expect this latter effect to play out for groups of democratic bargaining partners only. We test these two hypotheses for 198 preferential trade negotiations using novel measures for bargaining templates and the ambition of PTA clauses. In our two-stage survival models, we find support for our argument. In line with qualitative evidence from recent preferential trade initiatives, our models indicate that services, investment and intellectual property rights are particularly sticky agenda items for democratic leaders at the international bargaining table. 相似文献
16.
Kara Ellerby 《国际相互影响》2013,39(4):435-460
As peacebuilding discourses increasingly stress the importance of including women, to what degree have security-related practices taken heed? It has been over 10 years since the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, yet it remains a “confused and confusing” tool for scholars and practitioners in assessing women's inclusion in peacebuilding. This article adds to our understanding on women and peacebuilding by engaging 1325 as an operationalizable concept and then applying it to peace agreements to understand how women's security is addressed as part of formal peace processes. Given previous difficulties in operationalizing 1325’s mandate, this article engages it as a three-level concept useful for studying the ways in which women are “brought into” security, called (en)gendered security. Using this concept of (en)gendered security, I assess intrastate peace agreements between 1991 and 2010 to elucidate where and how women are included in peace processes. This article illustrates the potential of a systematized and practical approach to security embodied in 1325 and a preliminary discussion of what accounts for better approaches to (en)gendered security during peacebuilding. 相似文献
17.
Patricia Nabuco Martuscelli 《冲突、安全与发展》2018,18(5):387-408
Children, especially girls, are considered victims in armed conflicts. Children who participate in conflicts, as combatants, sexual servants, spies, informants and messengers, may be considered perpetrators of atrocities. These two classifications of children in armed conflicts do not consider their roles as agents who may also participate in peace-building efforts. This paper analyses how children involved in armed conflicts are classified and represented in the current peace agreement between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo). We aim to understand if children are recognised in this peace process as participants and, in some capacity, as peace-builders. Dialoguing with the literature on critical security studies and childhood studies, we conduct a critical discourse analysis of the peace agreement documents. The study of the Colombian case enables an empirical analysis in which child soldiers are categorised as victims with the possibility of participating in peace-building and, at the same time, as potential challengers to the peace process. 相似文献
18.
19.
About half of the nations that experience civil war eventually relapse into renewed conflict within a few years after the original war ends. This observation has motivated a stream of research into the factors that affect the risk of peace failure in the aftermath of civil war. While the outcome of the previous civil war—for example, military victory versus peace agreement—structures the post-war environment in ways that affect the risk of peace failure, the capacity of the post-war state to enact and implement policies that affect the incentives for and capacity of groups to undertake armed violence as a means of advancing their interests should also affect the risks of peace failure. Using Geddes’ categories of nondemocratic regime types, we will present a theory of how different regime types have varying capacities to repress and/or implement accommodative policies that affect the risk of peace failure. We test propositions derived from this theory with a series of event history models. Our findings suggest that while peace agreements significantly increase the duration of post-civil war peace, peace agreements involving some types of nondemocratic regimes actually increase the risk of post-civil war peace failure. 相似文献
20.
中国参与大湄公河次区域合作的进展、障碍与出路 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
大湄公河次区域合作对中国和东南亚5国的经济发展都有着重要的经济意义和社会意义。在过去的若干年里,这一合作已经取得了巨大成果,但是也出现了许多问题和矛盾,以至于这些问题和矛盾严重阻碍了进一步的合作与发展。为了解决这些障碍,文章提出了一些新的思考,希望突破目前的困境。 相似文献