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Problem definition studies focus on the ways in which problems are characterized in the political domain, and how they can be used strategically to limit or expand policy participation. Nanotechnology entrepreneurs are vying for resources in the political domain while strategically linking their nano‐solution to multiple and ambiguous problems. This article considers the evolution of nanotechnology as a solution, and the linked problems from a problem definition perspective. We consider how nanotechnology has been defined over time, in the scientific community and in the media, through development of a database of problem and solution definitional change. We find that, over time, advocates have defined the solution from a more narrow perspective while maintaining the overall ambiguity of the problem set. We suggest that the problem definition perspective is a viable framework for understanding the fluid and complex dynamics of science and technology issues and offer several suggestions for further research.  相似文献   

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In the recent debate about changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, Scandinavian countries are often considered the frontrunners of the development of a new kind of engaged citizenship. The majority of recent empirical scholarship in this field, however, has focused on the United States. In this article latent class analysis is used to ascertain whether the ideal types of engaged citizenship and duty‐based citizenship norms are relevant concepts for adolescents in Scandinavia, and whether there are significant changes in these norms between 1999 and 2009. The findings confirm that engaged and duty‐based citizens can be clearly identified and that engaged citizenship norms are becoming more prevalent. It is also found, however, that engaged and duty‐based norms are not the only norms identified in the analysis, and that important differences are evident in the background characteristics of those ascribing to different citizen norms that contradict expectations in the literature. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, including the potential implications of these changing norms for political behaviour.  相似文献   

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Recent literature on bureaucratic structure has gone further than studying discretions given to bureaucrats in policy making, and much attention is now paid to understanding how bureaucratic agencies are managed. This article proposes that the way in which executive governments manage their agencies varies according to their constitutional setting and that this relationship is driven by considerations of the executive's governing legitimacy. Inspired by Charles Tilly (1984), the authors compare patterns of agency governance in Hong Kong and Ireland, in particular, configurations of assigned decision‐making autonomies and control mechanisms. This comparison shows that in governing their agencies, the elected government of Ireland's parliamentary democracy pays more attention to input (i.e., democratic) legitimacy, while the executive government of Hong Kong's administrative state favors output (i.e., performance) legitimacy. These different forms of autonomy and control mechanism reflect different constitutional models of how political executives acquire and sustain their governing legitimacy.  相似文献   

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Data on voter turnout and choice at the Rwanda’s 2003 and 2015 constitutional referenda were acquired and analyzed. The results revealed contrasting changes in voter turnout between diaspora and in-country electorate. Arguably, at home, lack of freedom on the part of registered voters to make independent choices may explain the 9.3 percent and 5.2 percent increase in voter turnout and “yes” vote, respectively. On the other hand, while the repressive arm of the regime can reach Rwandan citizens both at home and abroad so as to compel them not oppose its political agenda, voters in diaspora enjoy some level of relaxation, especially those staying in Western democracies, which could explain the 37.8 percent drop in voter turnout. The article further argues that the results of the 2003 and 2015 referenda could be used to support suggestions that the Tutsi electorate indeed stands more divided than it was a decade ago.  相似文献   

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What role does the international diffusion of gender norms play in determining recent increases in women's political representation? We argue that norm diffusion has larger positive effects on women's cabinet representation than on women's legislative representation. We also show that within cabinets, norm diffusion affects low‐prestige appointments more than high‐prestige appointments. We test these arguments using an original database of ministers from 1979 to 2009 and find that the association of women's representation with three separate indicators of international diffusion—levels of women's representation among neighboring states, levels of women's representation among intergovernmental organization partners, and time since ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women—is consistent with our arguments.  相似文献   

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  • The past ten years have been marked by significant changes in technology, politics and economics. These changes have affected the social and regulatory environments in which public affairs (PA) officers operate. This paper describes how PA officers at 74 large US corporations perceive these environmental changes and how PA activities have changed from ten years ago.
  • The data reported in this paper were collected first in 1993, then again in 2003. The results show a rather even split between respondents: half (39) believe that their political/regulatory environment is simpler today than was the case ten years ago, half (33) believe that it has become more complicated; half (35) believe there is less social interest in their operations and half (32) believe there is more. The paper then examines the changes in PA activities and performance over the past ten years
  • Overall, PA officers are more pleased with their performance (at least in managing social issues and achieving social objectives) than they were in 1993.
Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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Does the public administration research from the late 1970s and 1980s on managing decline contain useful lessons for today's Great Recession? Do these studies serve our current research needs? Why has decline continued to be a major focus of research in generic management, but not in public administration? The answers to these questions give some clues as to a possible new, revitalized research agenda for our field. Whereas public administration often viewed organizational decline as a self‐contained set of problems requiring remedial action, generic management and sociology research on decline tended to view the topic as part of organizational phases and life cycles, linking decline to growth, stability, and change. Viewing decline as part of the organizational life cycle encourages researchers to take a longer view of organizations and their management, and thus its orientation is more strategic than reactive. Three areas of decline studies are identified as relevant irrespective of sector: (1) implications of decline for human resources management, (2) effects of decline on organization structure and design, (3) the relation of strategy and decline.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article explores how resilience as a concept is being increasingly mobilised within the Education in Emergencies (EiE) community. Using content and a close textual analysis, it identifies the concept's growth in prominence within key EiE documents arguing it has been employed to serve a range of different purposes. It contends, however, that dominant conceptualisations of resilience within the EiE community are reflective of a number of shifts around the problem, subjects and purposes of education provision in such conflict-affected contexts. This serves to limit the transformative potential of resilience, particularly in regards to contributing to positive peace.  相似文献   

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The breakdown of the old catch-all party system in Venezuela, and the sudden rise to power of leftist former coup leader Hugo Chávez provides an instructive case study to examine the sources of party system change, the rise of populism and the politicisation of class. Using nationally representative survey data this paper analyses different models of voting behaviour over time, and examines the extent to which the determinants of electoral choice have changed. It argues that although economic crises during the 1990s undermined support for the existing parties, it did not create a politically salient class-based response. Rather, it created the electoral space for new actors to enter the political stage and articulate new populist issue dimensions. Explanations for the politicisation of social cleavages in Venezuela can therefore best be understood in terms of ‘top-down’ approaches which emphasises the role of political agency in reshaping and re-crafting political identities, rather than more ‘bottom-up’ factors which emphasise the demands that originate within the electorate.  相似文献   

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