马克思恩格斯意识形态批判及其意义——《德意志意识形态》中的意识形态批判思想

“从天上降到人间”是德意志意识形态虚假性的根源,正确理解意识形态产生发展过程及其实践意义的思考路径是“从人间到天国”;意识形态具有阶级性和历史性,对德意志意识形态的批判是消灭旧世界、发现新世界的重要理论支点.马克思恩格斯关于德意志意识形态批判的论述和思想,对当前我国意识形态的维护与发展以及文化建设有重要的指导意义.     

An Archaeology of Political Discourse? Evaluating Michel Foucault's Explanation and Critique of Ideology

The resurgence of interest in the concept of ideology and its empirical application neglects the important contribution of Michel Foucault. Despite Foucault's epistemological reservations about the concept of ideology, both his archaeological and genealogical writings develop original approaches to the analysis of concrete ideologies. This article evaluates Foucault's archaeological approach by applying it to the case of Black Consciousness ideology in South Africa. When translated into an appropriate form, archaeology provides a useful set of tools for the analysis of concrete ideologies. However, it should not be taken as a free-standing approach for its employment exposes important methodological and substantive difficulties. Archaeology thus needs to be supplemented by a genealogical investigation of discursive practices and by a post-Marxist theory of hegemony.     

Inquiry as Critique: on the Legacy of Deweyan Pragmatism for Political Theory

This article provides a critical reconstruction of John Dewey's theory of social and political inquiry. Clearing away some misconceptions about this theory allows us to grasp its practical and political focus, and to see its similarities to other strands of anti-positivist social thought, including hermeneutics and critical theory. I go on to examine the relationship between democratic values and the theory of inquiry. Like recent proponents of discursive conceptions of democracy such as Habermas he sees a connection between democracy and the conditions for rational procedures of problem solving. What connects democracy to inquiry for Dewey is primarily ethical and political, rather than epistemological. The article considers what may be usefully taken from Dewey's conception of social inquiry, without accepting his full ethical agenda.     

Why We Love to Hate the Wolf (of Wall Street): Using Georges Bataille and Friedrich Nietzsche to Critique the Function of Moral Ideology Under Late Capitalism

The release of Martin Scorsese’s film The Wolf of Wall Street in late 2013 helped to reignite a public conversation about corporate greed and the moral excesses and violations of Wall Street firms and executives. A barrage of articles, reviews, and criticisms of the film emerged throughout popular media that sought, for the most part, to single out and condemn the immoral actions and behaviors of individuals (for example, Jordan Belfort, whose actions constitute the primary subject matter of the film) within a pre-given and non-negotiable context of capitalist economic and social relations. This article uses the writings of Georges Bataille and Friedrich Nietzsche to critique this popular discourse. It reads the discourse as structured by a false identity of opposites, whereby the normal, moral, legal, and “peaceful” state of things is depicted as constitutive of a separate world from that of Belfort and the “criminal” excesses and expenditures of Wall Street. As a result of this conceptual maneuver, a mode of moralizing is enabled. In a fit of ressentiment, critics unleash their moralizing sentiments, single out and constitute guilty subjects, and hold these subjects responsible in order to repair the “secondary malfunctions” of capitalism. They do this so that capitalism can continue to survive and so they can have a good conscience while it does.     

Governing beyond the Centre: A Critique of the Anglo-Governance School

One of the more intriguing theoretical discussions of recent years involves the concept of governance. There is now a substantial body of work concerning the way governance has affected the contribution of central government to the policy process. Possibly the most prominent and influential account of governance theory in British political science is offered by Rod Rhodes. His most recent writings have employed governance theory to explore the institutions, actors and processes of change within the core executive. His 'Anglo-governance' model has emerged as a prevalent and authoritative account of how new methods of governing have emerged in society. Significantly, it is maintained that a distinct shift has taken place in government, from a hierarchical organisation to a fragmented and decentralised entity that is heavily reliant on a range of complex and independent policy networks. There is undoubted evidence that government is a fractured institution that is dependent on state and non-state actors beyond the centre. This paper questions whether such features entail the emergence of a new form of governance. Central government is still highly resourced and has, at its disposal, a range of powers with which to retain influence over public sector agencies. Historical evidence also shows that the British polity has long been decentralised. Thus, it is difficult to see how recent developments have in any way transformed the capacities of the core executive. It seems that alternative ways of conceptualising the institutions, actors and processes of change in government are required. Recent efforts to develop 'organising perspectives', within the intellectual parameters of governance theory, offer a more 'conceptually cautious' treatment of the central state.     

马克思对资本主义理性化的分析和批判

马克思作为影响后现代理论家对资本主义批判的无法绕过的重要人物,虽然他没有使用过“理性化”或“工具理性”等词语,但他的著作中也蕴涵着对资本主义理性化批判的丰富思想。本文拟从工具理性张扬及其导致的非理性后果,资本主义价值理性的发展和局限,理性化与对内奴役和对外侵略扩张在逻辑上的互补、一致,理性化导致非理性的根源及其解决等方面进行挖掘和梳理,从而与韦伯的理性化思想进行比较,以回应西方学者对马克思的批评．对当前的全球化形势有更清醒的理解。     

Fictitious Freedom: A Polanyian Critique of the Republican Revival

Prominent republican theorists invoke anonymous orders such as the market as mechanisms that secure freedom as non‐domination. Drawing on Karl Polanyi's account of fictitious commodities and demonstration of the impossibility of a just and rational market society, this article critically scrutinizes neo‐republican assumptions regarding the market, develops an alternate social theory within which to situate the ideal of non‐domination, and illustrates the importance of this reconfiguration for the kind of collective agents and political strategies that can be expected to advance republican freedom in the economy.     

Reflections on Devolution: Twenty Years on

May 2019 marks twenty years since the first elections to the Scottish Parliament and Welsh Assembly. This report discusses a paper published by the Institute for Government (IfG) that reflects on the experience to date of devolution, drawing on interviews with thirteen individuals who have served as ministers in the devolved governments. Reflecting the structure of the IfG paper, there are three main themes in this report: governing without a majority, institutional change, and—in the light of Brexit—relationships between the devolved governments, Westminster and the EU. The conclusion is that the report, although limited in coverage, provides a useful addition to the literature on devolution.     

On the Critique of Negotiated Economy

A critical debate on the concept of negotiated economy has to start from a mutual recognition of fundamental methodological and epistemological differences between the various research positions in the field. In reply to a recent critical comment by P. M. Christiansen on our use of the concept of negotiated economy, we argue that Christiansen not only mispresents our theoretical, empirical, and critical ambitions; most importantly, he also fails to grasp the basic methodological differences between our constructivist strategy of institutional analysis, and the more conventional non-constructivist approach that he propagates.     

Citizenship and Solidarity: Reflections on the Canadian Way

Numerous accounts of contemporary liberal democratic citizenship focus on the introduction and subsequent erosion of social citizenship rights through neo-liberal governing practices. These studies demonstrate that the progressive erosion of social entitlements and social policies has aggravated poverty, economic insecurity, and social exclusion, especially among already marginalized groups and those with tenuous links to the wage economy. Less attention, however, has been directed to the implications of withering social citizenship rights and associated social policies for the ongoing generation of social solidarities and collective identities. This article draws upon the Speeches from the Throne of the Federal Parliament to demonstrate the recent and complex interrelationships among social citizenship, national identity, and social solidarity in Canada. It argues that, in the immediate post-World War Two years, the idea of social citizenship was conflated with federally inspired discourses of pan-Canadian nationalism. The decline in social programs during the past two decades in Canada thus has represented more than simply a shift in governing philosophies and practices. Rather, neo-liberal governance has challenged Canadians', especially English Canadians', sense of shared identity and national community. The article concludes by examining the most recent and unsuccessful attempts by the federal government to rebuild and reaffirm a sense of shared identity and community.     

社会主义意识形态创新的若干思考

意识形态创新是经济体制转轨和社会结构转型的现实需要,是永葆科学意识形态旺盛生命力、人民群众利益需求发展变化的迫切要求;创新意识形态内容,要求增强普适性和包容性、先进性和开放性、通俗性和针对性、战略性和策略性;创新意识形态宣传形式,要求加强精神文明建设活动,利用高科技传媒,发展文化事业和文化产业,运用各种文艺形式,结合我国优秀传统文化,发挥新中介组织作用。