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Glennerster  Howard 《Public Choice》1981,36(3):551-571

This paper first considers what recurrent education is and what economic case might be made out for the State finance of adult education. The traditional arguments on grounds of efficiency and equity are difficult to sustain but a case can be made out that the imperfections in the present State finance and provision of higher education in Britain discourages a free choice amongst individuals between work, education, leisure and retirement. The second part of the article reviews European development in the finance of recurrent education. The third section draws some policy conclusions for Britain and the United states.

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abstract This article describes the development of European Union parental leave policy and its impact on mothers'and fathers'access to parental leave in the individual nations that make up the union. Cross-national variations in parental leave policy are described and analyzed. Although the 15 countries belonging to the EU in 2002 are concerned about helping working parents reconcile employment and family responsibilities, so far, only one—Sweden—has begun to develop a parental leave policy likely to facilitate men's and women's sharing of responsibility for breadwinning and child care.  相似文献   

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The debate on the politicisation of the EU should consider its consociational nature. Comparing the EU to Switzerland and Belgium, this article discusses S. Hix's and S. Bartolini's contrasting views on politicisation. S. Hix's recipe for bipolar politicisation is based on some incorrect assumptions. It is not obvious that the EU is evolving towards more Left–Right polarisation. Even if this were the case, the nature of the EU implies that compromises are indispensable. Therefore, Hix's suggestions would not suffice to clarify political choice, and Euroscepticism would not be reduced. The consociational nature of the EU also makes less credible S. Bartolini's fears of possible negative consequences for governability. The politicisation of constitutive issues can even help to integrate Eurosceptic segments of public opinion. The authors suggest a middle way regarding EU politicisation based on lessons from consociational polities, and the coupling of a system of ‘negotiation democracy’ with mechanisms of direct popular participation.  相似文献   

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This study deals with the issue of increasing contention regarding European matters in national arenas. Specifically, it focuses on the impact of European Union referenda on national elections. EU referenda have two important consequences for national politics: they increase inter-party conflict over Europe and gear up voters' salience to EU matters. In doing so, EU referenda allow voters to identify parties closest to them on the EU issue, thereby increasing the likelihood that they will vote for a party on the basis of EU attitudes (i.e. EU issue voting). These propositions are evaluated empirically in a quasi-experimental setting by comparing two parliamentary elections before and after the first Dutch EU referendum in 2005. The findings show that referenda indeed facilitate the development of EU issue voting. Consequently, the conclusions of this study are not only relevant to observers of Dutch politics, but also contribute to a larger debate within the field of EU studies.  相似文献   

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As a means to shed light on modern citizenship, this article explores the history of the practice of banishment, deportation and the revocation of citizenship in the transition from the old regime to the new in France. Despite the acknowledged novelties in the understanding of citizenship ushered in with the French Revolution flowing from the adoption of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, it is evident that there was an important continuity with old regime principles, namely, the notion of citizenship as a privilege. Indeed, not only did the French state maintain its power to revoke citizenship and expel its members, but the new republican understanding of citizenship along with a more disciplined international environment led to the transformation of the practices in ways more severe and debilitating for the convicted. This history of expulsion and revocation of citizenship rights is used to illustrate a basic tension in modern understandings of citizenship between an inclusive understanding of citizenship committed to an ideal of universal rights and the political and civic criteria for belonging that have in practice been used to police members by revoking the very privileges on which their protection of basic rights depended. The study then gestures to a way of resolving the tension, namely, a consideration of the idea of a fundamental right of citizenship itself.  相似文献   

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中国是成文宪法国家,宪法在中国特色社会主义法律体系中居于最高地位,拥有最高效力。但是在现实中,宪法的规范效力往往无法实现,违宪活动时有发生,这与我国缺乏有效的宪法监督机制有关。一般来说,世界上宪法监督机制无非就是司法审查制度、议会监督宪法制度、专门宪法监督机构等三种类型,为了实现宪法监督的实效,各国都选择适合本国国情需要的宪法监督机制。在中国建立何种类型的宪法监督机制一直是学界争议的难题,而在全国人民代表大会下,设立宪法法院,保障宪法实施,是符合当代中国现行体制的最佳选择。  相似文献   

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The British general election on 10 May 2010 delivered Britain's first hung Parliament since February 1974, and in the run‐up, the Conservative party made much of the economic difficulties Britain faced in the second half of the 1970s in order to try and convince voters that anything other than a Tory vote would risk exposing the nation to the discipline of financial markets. The question of how well equipped an exceptional kind of British government is to deal with exceptional economic circumstances is therefore of paramount importance. This paper argues that the Conservative party made too much of the impact of the 1974 hung Parliament in precipitating subsequent economic crisis and suggests that as such, there is no reason to assume that the Conservative–Liberal coalition government is ill‐equipped to manage British economic affairs in difficult circumstances.  相似文献   

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Federal governments are increasingly employing empirical measures of lower‐level government performance to ensure that provincial and local jurisdictions pursue national policy goals. We call this burgeoning phenomenon “performance federalism” and argue that it can distort democratic accountability in lower‐level elections. We estimate the impact of a widely publicized federal indicator of local school district performance—one that we show does not allow voters to draw valid inferences about the quality of local educational institutions—on voter support for school tax levies in a U.S. state uniquely appropriate for this analysis. The results indicate that a signal of poor district performance increases the probability of levy failure, a substantively large and robust effect that disproportionately affects impoverished communities. The analysis employs a number of identification strategies and tests for multiple behavioral mechanisms to support the causal interpretation of these findings.  相似文献   

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Bulmer  Simon J. 《Publius》1996,26(4):17-42
The European Council and the Council of the European Union playkey roles in the European Union. The European Council is largelyconcerned with system-steering, while the Council of the EUundertakes sectoral policymaking. What is common to these rolesis the balancing act carried out by both institutions. Bothhave to mediate the centripetal dynamics of integration, termedcooperative confederalism here, and the centrifugal dynamicswhich are found in the strongly entrenched territorial natureof power, centered on the member states. Using new institutionalistanalysis, the article illuminates different facets of the twoinstitutions1 functioning in mediating the two dynamics.  相似文献   

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Opinion polls suggest the UK Government faces an uphill task in winning the forthcoming referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty. This article provides a detailed analysis of the factors that are likely to decide the referendum outcome. Using recent survey data, we analyze the factors that influence individual-level support for the Constitutional Treaty. These results show that it is not only general attitudes towards European integration which are likely to play an important role, but also partisanship and satisfaction with the government. Given the low levels of information about the Constitution and the large number of undecided voters, the campaign itself will be crucial to the outcome. We argue that while information alone will not necessarily persuade voters, a successful campaign strategy by the yes-camp could make a decisive difference by motivating and informing voters, as well as setting the agenda for the debate.  相似文献   

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