Informal caregiving as state Medicaid expenditure: an only slightly immodest proposal

States and Medicaid recipients would be better off if the federal Medicaid program allowed states to assign a dollar value to some unpaid care friends and family give to Medicaid recipients. The dollar value of this unpaid labor would then be counted as state spending in the calculation of federal match. The proposal, which would ease the pressure on tight state budgets, is entirely compatible with the recent federal-state compromise regarding provider taxes and donations and reinforces an important but overlooked Medicaid policy that cultivates and relies upon households to deliver care.     

The right to exclude

Many contemporary theories of immigration begin with the idea that we obtain the right to exclude, because there are some goods that can be produced only within bounded societies. I believe these views to be mistaken, both ethically and empirically. More plausible accounts of the right to exclude begin with the idea that individuals have rights, in virtue of their moral rights of association or of property, to avoid admitting foreigners into their societies. I believe these accounts have to be amended to make reference to the juridical nature of the modern state. My own view is that the right to exclude is grounded in the right to avoid becoming the agent charged with the defense of another’s human rights – unless there is some independent moral reason one ought to become so charged. This account is able to ground the right to exclude, but does not justify the ways in which modern states employ that putative right.     

The Obligation to Contribute to Discretionary Public Goods

The principle of fairness, first introduced by H. L. A. Hart in 1955, is able to support a workable theory of political obligation upon liberal premises. In a previous paper, 'Presumptive benefit, fairness, and political obligation', I argued that the principle can establish general obligations to cooperate in the provision of 'presumptive public goods' (that is, public goods that are indispensable to the typical member of society). Because a wider range of governmental services is necessary for the provision of presumptive goods, the principle also supports obligations to support 'discretionary public goods' (goods that are desirable but not indispensable). The 'indirect argument' developed in this paper counters the criticisms of my previous paper presented by A. John Simmons in 'The anarchist position: a reply to Klosko and Senor'.     

The critical path to growth

Growth has for long been accepted as one of the major objectives of most people. Recently it has been challenged from a number of directions and the challengers have been counter-challenged. The inadequacy of scientific evidence lays the field open for much controversy, but the questions which have been brought into prominence are of great importance and demand answers. These answers in turn require knowledge associated with many branches of the physical, biological and social sciences. The techniques of operational research can be and are being used to assemble and blend the evidence. These techniques can also show up the gaps and the obstacles in the path to progress.Slightly revised version of a paper presented at the Sixth Conference of the International Federation of Operations Research Societies, Dublin, Ireland, August 1972.     

The decision to lobby bureaucrats

Despite a good deal of interest in lobbyists?? tactics, virtually no research has been published examining the conditions under which interest groups lobby the bureaucracy rather than or in addition to the legislature. Using two comprehensive datasets, I show that lobbying increases in both branches when conflict is higher and when the lobbyist has professional or political connections to that venue. In addition, certain conditions cause lobbyists to specialize in one branch or a particular branch only, depending on the issue area being lobbied, the interest group type being represented, the lobbyist??s resources, and other factors.     

The Challenge to Party Government

At a time when the literature on political parties is brimming with health and vitality, the parties themselves seem to be experiencing potentially severe legitimacy problems and to be suffering from a quite massive withdrawal of popular support and affection. This article addresses one key aspect of the problems facing contemporary parties in Europe, which is the challenge to party government. I begin by reviewing the changing pattern of party competition, in which I discuss the decline of partisanship in policy-making and the convergence of parties into a mainstream consensus. I then look again at the familiar ‘parties-do-matter’ thesis and at the evidence for declining partisanship within the electorate. In the third section of the paper I explore the various attempts to specify the conditions for party government, before going on in the final section to argue that these conditions have been undermined in such a way that it is now almost impossible to imagine party government in contemporary Europe either functioning effectively or sustaining complete legitimacy.     

从作为公平的正义到基于道德性的正义

罗尔斯的正义理论并不是从原初状态出发,而是从更深的基础:人性的道德权利出发,进而来保证自由平等权利的赋予以及作为公平的正义的实现,从这个基础上来理解作为公平的正义实质上便是基于道德性的正义。