国家体改委志在改革（一）

从1990年8月到1993年3月，我在国家体改委工作了两年半。时间虽然不长，但这段时间正是中国改革的关键时期。当时，国内对改革的争论很大，国外更是议论纷纷。我受命之初，由于1989年政治风波的关系，体改委的活动实际上处于停顿状态。     

试析科学社会主义与民主社会主义、绿党社会主义的本质区别

试析科学社会主义与民主社会主义、绿党社会主义的本质区别河南师大牛先锋科学社会主义、民主社会主义和绿党社会主义在名称和形式上都承享着＂社会主义＂的美誉，但它们之间并不是没有真伪之别、科学和非科学之分的并列关系。以科学社会主义作为指导思想来剖析民主社会主...     

由“三品”想到的

坐过火车的人大都知道‘三品’——易燃品、易爆品、危险品。‘三品’的具体内容,铁路部门有严格规定,不容我置喙;但把‘危险品’与‘易燃品、易爆品’并列起来凑成‘三品’,这种文字概括,大可推敲。形式逻辑告诉我们,任何一个概念都有其内涵和外延,外延之间有同一、种属、并列等关系,确     

党内激励机制的制度设计阐释

本文运用党的建设、心理学和领导学等相关理论,结合党内激励的实际,阐释了党内激励机制由"正向激励制度系统"和"负向激励制度系统"组成。指出由于党内激励制度之间往往不是并列的,而是存在主次之分。因此,在设计党内激励制度时,要正确处理好正向激励制度与负向激励制度、物质激励制度与精神激励制度以及内在激励制度与外在激励制度之间的关系,实现党内激励制度的科学化。     

梦圆长江口

<正>我这辈子注定与长江有缘。抗日战争胜利的第二年,我出生在上海黄浦江畔一间狭小的民居。黄浦江是长江汇入茫茫大海之前最后一条支流,把上海的行政区域分隔成浦东浦西两部分,上海人称之为"母亲河"。抗战烽火刚熄,内战硝烟又起。大上海在黎明前的黑暗中挣扎,社会混乱,民不聊生。在上海做工谋生的父亲,带着我登上十六铺的轮船,沿长江逆行,于湖北黄石港上岸,直奔大冶故里,把我交给了经营中药铺的祖父。从长江下游到中游,我     

浅析工会法与劳动法的相互关系

在劳动法与工会法的关系上,我国可以说分为“从属说”与“并列说”两大观点。“从属说”认为工会法是劳动法的组成部分,工会法从属于劳动法。“并列说”认为工会法是独立的部门法,并列于劳动法。我认为只有立足于市场经济,才能对这两种观点有一个恰当的评说。     

吴敬琏：为改革大战役做准备

我想讲五点意见。一、三十多年来我们大家亲历的改革开放过程，是中国社会从苏联式的经济、社会和政治体制，向能够造就富裕、民主、文明、和谐的体制转型的过程。改革开放促进了转型。习近平总书记把改革开放称作一次“新的伟大革命”。他说，“事实证明，改革开放是当代中国发展进步的活力之源，是党和人民事业大踏步前进，赶上时代的重要法宝，是大势所趋，人心所向，停顿和倒退是没有出路的。”     

巴黎交通治堵：出重拳给说法见成效

巴黎交通宏观印象 不到巴黎不知道巴黎城市之大，到巴黎不上街．不知道巴黎车辆之多。巴黎是与美国纽约、英国伦敦和日本东京并列的四大世界级城市之一。据2012年1月4日的《巴黎人报》报道．目前巴黎市内人口已达225．8万人，市区面积为105．4平方公里．人口密度高达21423人／平方公里。归巴黎管辖的巴黎大区．包括巴黎市及周围七个省，人口为1206．7万（2007年统计数据显示），人口密度为816人／平方公里。据统计，每天出入巴黎市区的客流量达1900多万人次，其中300万人次在市中心活动．400万人次来往于巴黎市区与郊区之间，1200万人次流动于郊区的卫星城之间，客流量的高峰时段为早晨7至8时和晚上5-6时。另外，每年到访巴黎的游客也有上千万人次之多。     

从“三个有利于”到“三个代表”

深圳大学特区台港澳经济研究所的苏东斌发表文章说,最近,江泽民郑重地提出了建设“政治文明”这一要求。江泽民对这个概念的现实使用,不仅把法治建设提到了政治文明的高度,并且把政治文明作为与物质文明、精神文明相并列的重要判断。“政治文明”,说到底,我认为最重要的就是“制度文明”,也就是对邓小平     

理解党内法规与国家法律关系的三条进路

正党的十八届四中全会提出,全面推进依法治国,"总目标是建设中国特色社会主义法治体系,建设社会主义法治国家……形成完备的法律规范体系、高效的法治实施体系、严密的法治监督体系、有力的法治保障体系,形成完善的党内法规体系"。这一表述被学界称为"四加一",即前面四个体系之间用的是顿号,党内法规体系前面用的是逗号。这一表述明确了中国特色社会主义法治体系与党内法规体系之间的包含关系,但是也再一次引发了长久以来讨论的党内法规与     

略论死刑复核中“发回”案件的重新审判

在重新审判“发回”重审死刑案件的司法实践中，对被告人容易产生有罪推定的倾向、依据补强证据再次适用死刑的倾向和漠视侦控行为合法性的倾向，为此重审法院应杜绝片面依据侦控机关提供的不利于被告人的存疑补强证据，对被告人再次适用死刑；对“事实不清、证据不足型”发回重审的死刑案件，如果经过重审认定的案件事实没有发生重大变化，一般也不宜对被告人再次适用死刑。     

Private exit,public exit,and achievement in secondary education

Perceptions of declining academic achievement have motivated a number of governments worldwide to introduce greater school choices to parents in the hope of fostering competition and thus arrest the apparent decline in educational achievement. Exit provides dissatisfied citizens with a decisive mechanism to signal their views regarding the quality of public education institutions. Private exit – abandoning the public education system entirely – is well established in most countries; however, public exit – moving to a separate system of selective high-quality public schools – is an alternative that exists in only a few jurisdictions. We employ a comprehensive 6-year panel of data on socio-educational advantage and academic achievement for an education system which offers both private and public exit choice. In so doing, we show how different exit options affect choices and outcomes for various categories of schools.     

Do Policy Makers Use Academic Research? Reexamining the “Two Communities” Theory of Research Utilization

Academics and policy makers in many Western countries are perceived as occupying separate communities, with distinct languages, values, and reward systems. However, data from a survey of more than 2,000 policy officials and 126 in‐depth interviews with public servants in Australia suggest that the “two communities” conceptualization may be misleading and flawed. More realistically, there is a range of interaction between policy and academia, with some individuals valuing and using academic research more than others. Furthermore, this relationship is complicated by the internal division between the political and administrative components of the public policy process.     

国学研究的跨文化理念与方法

国学与国学研究是两个不同层面上的问题。国学虽是近代产生的概念,但其内涵却可以涵盖中国古代的学术文化,它主要属于价值层面,是"德性的学问"。国学研究才是近代学术发展的产物,它将国学视为研究对象,主要属于知识层面,是"文献的学问"。国学研究应该暂时搁置价值争端,提倡一种"学无中西"的跨文化理念与方法,以便更好地弘扬中国传统国学。     

POLICY RESEARCH AS SOCIAL SCIENCE: OUTFLANKING THE VALUE DILEMMA

Social scientists fear that policy research compromises their objectivity. As a result, policy science is becoming a separate discipline which is accorded lower status that other fields of social inquiry. However, the history, sociology and psychology of science show that the elaboration of robust social theory would be aided by a more intimate relation between policy research and academic social science than currently obtains. The traditional canons of value freedom, which have been invoked to justify the independence of social science from policy, misrepresent the relation between facts and values in science. Objective knowledge is consequent on dispute and triangulation by a many-valued community of fallible social scientists; but it does not eventuate from consensual value neutralism. Social knowledge interacts with social values to change phenomena our theories represent. This self-restructuring characteristic of social events warrants singular attention by social scientists. Policy researchers are in a particularly opportune position to provide that attention.     

THE STATUTORY CORPORATION—A NOTE ON THE THEORY OF AUTONOMY

Readers of this journal, especially those who watch developments affecting the machinery of government in Canberra, will no doubt have noticed the rehabilitation of the concept of statutory independence—a notion that, in some academic circles, had been virtually written off as having little or no relevance in the real world, where the general tendency has been towards an extension of government control and co-ordination of bureaucratic systems. Although it is much too early to evaluate, with suitable scholarly detachment, the significance of the administrative changes initiated since December, 1972, it seems a safe observation that for a small group of government agencies at least, the Labor Government has committed itself to the idea of independence. This much is clear from its declared aim of giving the Australian Broadcasting Commission more autonomy and the decision, recently announced, to reconstitute the Postmaster-General's Department into two separate statutory corporations.     

Measuring party positions and issue salience from media coverage: Discussing and cross-validating new indicators

Recent studies have started to use media data to measure party positions and issue salience. The aim of this article is to compare and cross-validate this alternative approach with the more commonly used party manifestos, expert judgments and mass surveys. To this purpose, we present two methods to generate indicators of party positions and issue salience from media coverage: the core sentence approach and political claims analysis. Our cross-validation shows that with regard to party positions, indicators derived from the media converge with traditionally used measurements from party manifestos, mass surveys and expert judgments, but that salience indicators measure different underlying constructs. We conclude with a discussion of specific research questions for which media data offer potential advantages over more established methods.     

The Academic Discipline of Management and Homeland Security

The aim of this article is to examine the role the academic discipline of management can play in terms of homeland security (which has emerged as a very major policy area). Specifically, this article analyzes how the accumulated research knowledge in various areas of the management discipline (for example, organizational culture studies, organizational change studies, organizational relations studies, and leadership studies) can be used (together with research knowledge from numerous other academic disciplines) to help advance homeland security as a policy area and policy phenomenon and as a field of study. In its areas shown above and other areas, this article is of the view that the academic discipline of management can make unique and important contributions to the effectiveness and efficiency of homeland security.     

Innovation Inducement Prizes: Connecting Research to Policy

Innovation inducement prizes have been used for centuries. In the United States, a recent federal policy change—the America COMPETES Reauthorization Act of 2010—clarified and simplified a path by which all federal agencies can offer innovation inducement prizes, thus intensifying interest in how government agencies can most effectively design and apply such prizes. This paper aims to review and synthesize the academic literature on innovation inducement prizes, to clarify what has been learned that is relevant to current policy discussions, and to highlight unresolved questions that would be fruitful areas for future academic research and policy experimentation. Relative to the existing literature, this paper aims to bridge two gaps. First, I synthesize the academic literature in this area with an eye toward drawing lessons for the types of innovation inducement prizes under consideration by federal agencies under the America COMPETES Reauthorization Act. Second, I discuss the problem of how to evaluate the success or failure of innovation inducement prizes, arguing that careful empirical evaluations of innovation inducement prizes are needed in order to provide guidance to federal agencies (and others) on how to most effectively apply and design innovation inducement prizes.     

Political research and practitioner approaches: a review of the research methods used in voting behaviour research

Quantitative research has been the dominant methodological approach used to study voting behaviour. There is an emerging recognition, however, that there are alternative ways of attempting to understand how voters decide. The academic preoccupation with measurement, reliability, validity and generalisability may obscure some of the findings that are uncovered by practitioners using qualitative research. Practitioners of politics, both in the USA and the UK, tend to utilise both methods when formulating policy and exploring voter attitudes towards these policies. This paper will review the arguments for each tradition and examine the apparent divergence of practitioner and academic political research. Finally, it will look at how both positivist and interpretivist methods can be utilised to complement each other when attempting to build a picture of voting behaviour. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications