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1.
作为拉美地区的主要国家,墨西哥医疗卫生制度建立已近百年,期间经历了曲折的改革和发展过程,到目前为止已初步建立全民医保的制度体系。本文通过对墨西哥医疗卫生制度变迁和改革过程的梳理和研究,提出适用于发展中国家医疗卫生制度改革的一些基本经验:一是必须确立优先的改革目标;二是必须妥善解决融资来源稳定性问题;三是要不断整合医疗资源并提高医疗效率;四是权衡个人享有的社会权利和国家所能提供财力之间的关系。  相似文献   

2.
萨利纳斯执政时期(1988~1994年)墨西哥通过三个宪法修正案,对议会席位的分配方式、联邦选举机构和选举程序进行改革,使墨西哥议会的独立性得到加强,立法部门与行政部门的关系开始发生变化;程序民主进一步完善,提高了选举平等性和选举结果的可信度;通过选举制度的改革奠定了多党政治的基础,墨西哥政治体制开始向民主化方向转变。可以说,萨利纳斯执政时期的选举制度改革是墨西哥政治体制转变过程中的关键一环。这一时期选举制度改革的原因在于,萨利纳斯执政时期反对党的崛起和壮大,革命制度党势力的衰落,民众参政意识的增强,从根本上改变了墨西哥选举制度赖以生存的社会政治环境,为了维持革命制度党的统治和墨西哥的政治稳定,对选举制度进行改革成为一种必然。  相似文献   

3.
80年代墨西哥外贸制度改革对经济的影响杨西80年代,墨西哥陷入以债务危机为标志的经济危机。为了克服危机,墨西哥政府对经济政策进行了全面调整。外贸制度改革是经济调整的一个重要方面。这一改革不仅对墨西哥经济的恢复和发展产生了深刻的影响,而且对拉美其他国家...  相似文献   

4.
二战后的墨西哥历届政府致力于渐进性选举制度改革,扩大反对党的参政空间,旨在维护革命制度党的执政合法地位。1946年《选举法》奠定了墨西哥现代选举机构的基础,1977年选举改革大大推动了现有政治体制的合法性。经济转型时期的选举改革意在解决不断开放的经济发展模式与仍然相对封闭的政治体制之间日益不对称的问题,增加选举的透明度和对选举进程的监督。1996年塞迪略政府的选举改革朝着自由和公正又前进了一步,为反对党参政创造了更多有利条件,并且结束了总统候选人"指定制"。墨西哥的选举制度改革带来两个重要影响:一是有利于墨西哥从一党霸权的威权主义体制转变成竞争和多元政党体制;二是有利于维持20世纪后半期的政治稳定,而且2000年大选时的执政党更替也没有造成政治制度的断裂和社会动荡,呈现出政治成熟和民主国家的平稳化特点。只有深入理解选举制度改革的历程,才有助于理解今天墨西哥的选举式民主。  相似文献   

5.
墨西哥能源产业改革已正式实施,但其成效尚未完全显现。由于国际原油价格下跌,页岩气和深水区开采面临复杂的地质和技术挑战,预计短期内改革对推动墨西哥国内油气产能上升的作用有限,但将带来投资、就业和技术引进等红利。长期来看,墨西哥石油和液体燃料的产能将有所上升,并将对北美和亚洲地区的能源市场和地缘政治产生影响。首先,可以强化美国和墨西哥之间的能源贸易,稳定北美能源价格,并进一步巩固北美全球油气交易中心的地位;其次,北美洲和亚洲地区间能源市场的互动将大大增强。中国等亚洲国家对投资墨西哥能源产业有很大兴趣,但要打破美国石油公司在墨西哥建立的长期稳定投资合作关系有一定难度。从地区合作角度来讲,亚洲与北美各国之间在稳定合理的能源价格以及维护中东地区稳定方面有着共同的利益;但在投资开发海外石油资源的道路上,亚洲国家和北美存在很大的竞争关系。当前中国可以借鉴墨西哥能源改革和北美能源一体化的经验,加快国内能源产业改革,推动亚洲能源合作。  相似文献   

6.
简论塞迪略总统的政治改革   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
简论塞迪略总统的政治改革刘新民1994年12月1日,埃内斯托·塞迪略总统上台之时墨西哥政治改革已进入一个关键时期。墨西哥一党政治格局开始过渡到以革命制度党为主、左右两翼两个政党即国家行动党和民主革命党为辅的不等衡的三角构架。墨西哥1997年中期选举前...  相似文献   

7.
编者的话     
<正>就土地制度改革而言,中国与墨西哥有许多相似之处。中墨两国都曾经历了以反对殖民主义和大地产为目标的土地革命,之后又都建立了土地国家所有制和某种形式的农民集体土地所有制,但最终都没有实现"粮食增产,农民增收"的目标;为了摆脱农村发展的困境,中墨两国先后进行了"二次土地改革"。《墨西哥土地制度改革成效评估:从贫困指数变化的视角》一文通过对墨西哥农村与城市贫困指数平均水平的比较以及对各州贫困状态的变化的分析,评估该国在1992~2014年期间土地制度改革的成效。分析认为,土地制度和贫  相似文献   

8.
剧变前,匈牙利的社会福利支出处于世界各国福利开支最高行列,现虽有所改变,但弊端仍存,仍是影响国民经济发展和建立完善市场经济体制的严重障碍。例如,1993年卫生福利支出占国内生产总值的6.2%,退休金支出占9.8%,其它福利支出占9.3%,3项共占25.3%。而美国上述3项支出只分别占国内生产总值的5.2%、5.8%、3.5%,共占14.5%;日本上述3项支出分别占4.8%、5%、1.8%,共占11.6%。匈几十年来实行国家包办福利制度,导致相当一部分福利支出被白白浪费,因而政府对原有《社会保障法》进行了多次修改,决心建立与市场经济和国力相适应的社会保障体系。现将改革情况及存在问题介绍如下: 一、医疗制度改革 匈长期实行医疗免费制度,虽进行过改革,但力度不大,国家担负的医疗卫生支出费用占国内生产总值的比重从1989年的4.6%上升到1993年的6.2%,近两年虽稍有下降,但仍是  相似文献   

9.
建立新型农村合作医疗制度是新时期农村卫生工作的重要内容。墨西哥和巴西具有比较完善的农村医疗保险制度 ,值得其他发展中国家借鉴。根据两国农村医疗保险制度的特点 ,本文对中国的农村新型合作医疗制度提出了四点建议 :一是政府要大力支持 ,二是在巩固新型合作医疗制度的基础上逐步实行城乡一体化的医疗保障制度 ,三是扩大合作区域从而提高保障水平 ,四是建立贫困农民医疗救助制度  相似文献   

10.
在过去的25年里,拉丁美洲最大的社会政策转型是养老金和医疗改革.养老金私有化(全部或部分)扩展到拉美12个国家,进而影响中东欧国家发生了相似的变革,而在部分西欧国家和美国则成为改革争论的参照物.医疗改革虽然在拉美所有国家都已实施,但并没有在海外产生较大影响.本文评论的这7本书对养老金和医疗改革进行了分析,其中两本还研究了失业和教育问题.  相似文献   

11.
The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.  相似文献   

12.
一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响,国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。  相似文献   

13.
AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…  相似文献   

14.
国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。  相似文献   

15.
In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.  相似文献   

16.
由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。  相似文献   

17.
As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.  相似文献   

18.
This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.  相似文献   

19.
The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style "financial capitalism." Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests (such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference), along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.  相似文献   

20.
Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.  相似文献   

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