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Do terrorist attacks by transnational groups lead governments to restrict human rights? Conventional wisdom holds that governments restrict rights to forestall additional attacks, to more effectively pursue suspected terrorists, and as an excuse to suppress their political opponents. But the logic connecting terrorist attacks to subsequent repression and the empirical research that addresses this issue suffer from important flaws. We analyze pooled data on the human rights behavior of governments from 1981 to 2003. Our key independent variable of interest is transnational terrorist attacks, and the analysis also controls for factors that existing studies have found influence respect for human rights. Repeated terrorist attacks lead governments to engage in more extrajudicial killings and disappearances, but have no discernable influence on government use of torture and of political imprisonment or on empowerment rights such as freedom of speech, assembly, and religion. This finding has important implications for how we think about the effects of terrorism and the policy responses of states, non-governmental organizations, and international institutions interested in protecting human rights. 相似文献
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Kateryna Pishchikova 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2006,19(1):49-61
Over the past few decades, a vast body of literature has emerged that strives to conceptualise transnational relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores this debate by mapping out two theoretical approaches that can be broadly defined as an ideational and a materialist approach. Particular attention is paid to the different ways in which one can understand the mutual impact of NGOs operating domestically and transnationally. The paper argues that combining the insights from both approaches improves our understanding of NGO dialogue. 相似文献
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Transnational Competence in an Emergent Epoch 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The article elaborates a framework for understanding the relevance of transnational competence to the dynamics that mark the transformations of our time. Nongovernmental stakeholders interacting through dense civil-society networks that permeate domestic-foreign frontiers bear increasing responsibility for the course of events. Based on linked interests, interorganizational knowledge generation and aggregation, partnerships, and interpersonal/intercultural interactions, they are deeply involved in addressing the many challenges posed by an ever more interdependent world. Transnational competence lubricates transterritorial networks and projects. Here, the authors extend earlier work that posited a worldwide skill revolution both by developing explicit dimensions of transnational competence and by introducing a behavioral component. The new framework provides analytical groundwork for explaining why some people, groups, and networks are more effective than others in forging meaningful transnational solidarities, negotiating and benefiting from the intensifying experience of globalization, and waging successful transnational campaigns. The article also probes how the spread of transnational competence is being facilitated by global migration and transmigration trends. The final section explores the governance implications of expanding transnational competency for the emergent epoch. 相似文献
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全球能源安全对话与合作--能源相互依赖时代的战略选择 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着全球化和能源相互依赖程度的日益加深,能源安全问题越来越具全球性,国际能源安全合作也逐渐由国别、集团向全球范围扩展。在这种情况下,以能源独立为目标的传统能源安全观念和保障体系变得越来越不现实。为应对诸多共同风险与挑战,国际社会越来越需要加强全球能源安全对话与合作,努力推动全球能源安全体系的建立。 相似文献
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《Orbis》2016,60(1):22-35
Amidst recent Western military campaigns that have defied strategic logic and produced few, if any, tangible gains, the utility of force in contemporary conflicts is being questioned increasingly, yet very few useful answers are emerging. Unfortunately, policymakers have too limited an understanding of military affairs, and the officials and experts tasked to inform them often have vested interests or lack imagination. Whereas strategic studies scholars were once highly sought after to “think the unthinkable” and provide fresh ideas for policymakers, the field has since fallen on hard times and shows no signs of recovery. To resuscitate the field there is an urgent need for a fundamental re-evaluation of long-standing strategic concepts in light of present realities. 相似文献
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Stephen Coleman 《政治交往》2013,30(2):197-214
This article explores what it means to be represented and how the nature of representation might change in an age of networks. Citizens' perceptions of political connection and disconnection are examined on the basis of quantitative and qualitative surveys. A typology of political connection is presented and then expanded on the basis of the discussion of four potentially democratizing characteristics of digital information and communication technologies. 相似文献
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2010年10月17-18日,中国—东盟智库战略对话在广西南宁市举行,本文综述与会的中国和东盟专家发言的各种观点。 相似文献
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Jill Steans 《Global Society》2008,22(1):159-176
This article focuses on the role of gender in boundary-drawing practices, in the construction of identities and in the discursive construction and depiction of the “body politic” in the War on Terror. It argues that the evocation of “liberated Western women” and “oppressed Muslim” women in narratives on the War on Terror has been useful in the project of casting the United States as a beacon of civilisation and in constructing, reinforcing and reproducing a polarity between the West and the Islamic world. The War on Terror has also generated narratives about male protectors and the female protected; narratives that are also central to boundary-drawing processes. The final section of the article focuses on “dissident stories” that have challenged dominant meanings and dominant constructions of identity and boundaries, and unsettled simplistic and dichotomous characterisations of “good” and “evil” in the War on Terror. 相似文献
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Studies have begun to look at the potentially crucial impacts of group decentralization and inter-group global networking in accounting for the extent and severity of violence in insurgencies and terrorism. Groups may be able to survive more effectively, evade anti-terror or counter-insurgency strategies, and inflict greater damage or more civilian attacks by operating under more or less centralized leadership, or by making use of the resources of other like-minded groups scattered across borders. While some analysts have examined each of these possibilities, few if any have done so simultaneously with both structural and networking indicators or examined the joint effects of these indicators. We propose to do so in this study by combining existing datasets on terrorist structure and networks. Hypotheses and findings in prior studies have indicated that structural decentralization may lead to more civilian attacks if not more destruction since local cells are freer to act on their own, and that group size and centrality in the global terror networks lead to greater lethality and group survival rates. We re-examine such assumptions here with OLS and logit models combining these effects, and find that in addition to group size, network reach (eigenvalue centrality) rather than group interconnections per se (number of allies) appears to have primary impacts on group lethality, targeting, and survival, sometimes in conjunction with decentralized organizational structure. 相似文献
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Derek S. Reveron Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(3):453-468
The Bush administration's designation of its national strategy as a war on terror highlights the importance of combating terrorism on an international level. Fundamental to this effort is bilateral intelligence-sharing. Intelligence reform efforts to date have focused on improving intelligence-sharing within the U.S. intelligence community. However, critical intelligence can be gained through America's international partners. This paper assesses the state of bilateral intelligence-sharing relationships and the challenges that need to be overcome. 相似文献
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9·11事件已过去近10年,其间世界各地的恐怖事件不断,东南亚地区也不例外,这对东南亚地区的安全、稳定与发展造成了极大的威胁。面对恐怖主义的威胁,东南亚各国政府日渐认识到合作反恐的重要性。 相似文献
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Liu Wenwen 《International Understanding》2013,(3):25-25
<正>Zhang Xuejun,member of the Standing Committee of CAFIU’s Executive Council and Directorgeneral of Jiangxi Provincial Foreign Affairs and Overseas Chinese Affairs Office,participated in the entire events of the Jiangxi Session of the Dialogue and presided over the Nanchang Dialogue.Jin Canrong,member of the Standing Committee of CAFIU’s Executive Council and Deputy Dean of the School of International 相似文献