重塑公民:当代中国农民公民身份的考察与反思

无论从何种角度考察,公民首先表现为一种资格,权利与义务的内在规定是其本质的要义所在,只有二者统一,才能外化为公民身份.当代中国农民的公民身份在新中国成立后表现出单向度的特点,税费改革后这个特点发生了逆转,但也使农民的公民身份陷入了困惑.当前,农村社会发生了重大变迁,融入许多新的时代因素,新农险以其法理性契约关系的模式给重塑农民的公民身份以启迪,让我们反思过去,审视当下,积极创造条件以塑造新时代理性的农民公民.     

The Idea of Citizenship in the Early Civil Rights Movement

Luther P. Jackson was a key supporter of the Association for the study of Negro Life and History and a leading historian of the African American experience. As a leader in the voting rights movement in Virginia as well a prominent activist within region-wide civil rights organizations, Jackson crafted a message of black citizenship that balanced rights and civic duties. His emphasis on political engagement and civic consciousness transcended the specific issues that occupied civil rights activists of the 1940s. This philosophy of political commitment tied the black freedom struggle to the fulfillment of the democratic promise enshrined in the founding documents of the American republic. It also connected the movement for racial justice to the working-class movement for union organization and economic democracy. His effort to place citizenship front-and-center in the civil rights movement echoed the universal ideals of the American crusade to free the world of fascism. It also resonated with the egalitarian aspirations of the Reconstruction era. By linking black equality to political engagement, Jackson set out the only terms under which full equality could be achieved. As much as his message of justice through citizenship challenged the racial orthodoxies of his day, it challenges our contemporary society, transfixed as it is by the illusions of consumerism and marketplace privatization. As Carter G. Woodson and Luther Jackson both understood, racial justice required more than historical consciousness; it required political awareness grounded in a sense of civic responsibility.     

对真理标准讨论运动意义的再认识

真理标准讨论运动作为当代中国史上的一个亮点,引起相当多学者的关注和研究.如果以现代化进程为大背景,以抽取精神内核法为主要方法,去考察真理标准讨论的意义与价值,会发现:真理标准讨论运动传承于"五四"运动,而又有所不同.贯之于真理标准讨论运动始终的精神内核是要求发扬民主精神,科学精神,发展与创新精神.而这些现代精神的培养是实现现代化的重要条件.由于中国传统文化资源中缺乏现代精神因素,因此重视倡扬这种精神显得尤为重要.     

Return of the Governors: Citizenship and the New Governance of Neighbourhood Disorder in the UK

Liberal processes of urban governance are based around a concept of the citizen as both governor and governed. This duality suggests a dynamic relationship between the individual citizen, fellow citizens and the state in which responsibility for the governance of public life will oscillate between actors. This paper argues that increasingly the rhetoric and policy of neighbourhood governance in the UK represents a return of the direct role of the state as an 'official' presence in the governance of neighbourhood disorder. Such a return is a consequence of the failure of previous appeals to both 'active citizens' and 'communities' to exert informal social control over their local public spheres. This paper provides a critique of such appeals as a response to the continuing crisis of urban citizenship and 'community' in liberal democracies. The paper analyses the implications for urban citizenship theory of two recent UK policy developments, child safety initiatives (commonly referred to as curfews) and neighbourhood warden schemes and places these initiatives in the context of an increasing role for official housing agencies and private interests in neighbourhood governance. The paper suggests a need for urban policy to reflect the diversity of urban identities and to re-establish the links between civil, political and social rights of citizenship.     

Active Citizenship in the UK: Assessing Institutional Political Strategies and Mechanisms of Civic Engagement

Abstract

Shaping active citizenship, motivating civic engagement, and increasing political participation of minority groups have become some of the key political priorities in the UK since at least the end of the 1980s. Academic research shows that this shift goes hand-in-hand with a review of the integration policies in the country. The ‘politics of integration’ correspond in fact to a policy response to various social problems (such as discrimination, racism, intolerance) that emerged in various areas, and represent a new political discourse regarding active citizenship. This reflects an overall strategy meant to reframe the basis for civic and political engagement and participation in Britain. Our article is thus meant to highlight the dynamics underlying the development of the concept of active citizenship in the UK by looking at the factors that intervene in its shaping and enhancement. We identify political priorities and key mechanisms of participation that enable engagement in the public sphere. This article first considers the development of the specific ‘British discourse’ regarding active citizenship by taking into consideration the political priorities that emerged as part of the New Right discourse in the 1980s and then New Labour after 1997. We then refer to a set of data collected during our field work conducted in the UK between 2010 and 2011 with civil society activists and policy-makers in order to underline the meaning, practices, and feasibility of active citizenship.     

再看“新公共管理”运动及对中国行政改革的启示

随着我国行政改革的不断深入 ,我们应对“新公共管理”———这一早已引进中国的西方行政改革模式重新加以审视和解构。本文力求以新的角度再看“新公共管理” ,并结合我国行政改革的现实状况分析其主要观点 ,从而提出关于我国行政改革的几点建设性意见 ,旨在有力推动我国行政改革的顺利进行。     

Wealth,Citizenship and Responsibility: The Views of “Better Off” Citizens in the UK

The retheorisation of citizenship since the 1980s has been marked by an emphasis on responsibility over rights, and a focus on poor citizens. The article discusses why an interest in wealthy citizens is timely, including the argument in the UK that the citizenship responsibilities of those with high incomes should be expressed through the notion of active citizenship, not solely by paying tax. Findings are presented from empirical research in the UK, based on in-depth interviews with better off citizens. It is argued that wealthy citizens have benefited from a reduced obligation to pay taxation but there has not been a corresponding acceptance of active citizenship. Moreover, respondents' actual engagement with active citizenship and the expression of responsibility through an essentially individual ethos of economic independence promote a conception of citizenship that is exclusionary rather than inclusive. The research does not lead to an argument for the diminution of citizenship responsibility, but that there is a need for greater interest in the position of wealthy, not just poor, citizens.     

Reconsidering the Measurement of Political Knowledge

Political knowledge has emerged as one of the central variablesin political behavior research, with numerous scholars devotingconsiderable effort to explaining variance in citizens' levelsof knowledge and to understanding the consequences of this variancefor representation. Although such substantive matters continueto receive exhaustive study, questions of measurement also warrantattention. I demonstrate that conventional measures of politicalknowledge—constructed by summing a respondent's correctanswers on a battery of factual items—are of uncertainvalidity. Rather than collapsing incorrect and "don't know"responses into a single absence-of-knowledge category, I introduceestimation procedures that allow these effects to vary. Grouped-datamultinomial logistic regression results demonstrate that incorrectanswers and don't knows perform dissimilarly, a finding thatsuggests deficiencies in the construct validity of conventionalknowledge measures. The likely cause of the problem is tracedto two sources: knowledge may not be discrete, meaning thata simple count of correct answers provides an imprecise measure;and, as demonstrated by the wealth of research conducted inthe field of educational testing and psychology since the 1930s,measurement procedures used in political science potentiallyresult in "knowledge" scales contaminated by systematic personalityeffects.     

Ethnic Citizenship in the Slovenian State

This article presents some crucial and typical experiences of people who were erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents of the Republic of Slovenia in 1992. In the process of forming the new Slovenian state in 1991 (after the collapse of former Yugoslavia), the body of citizens was newly defined according to the principle of ius sanguinis. This means that ethnic Slovenians who until then were Yugoslav citizens automatically became Slovenian citizens. Permanent residents of Slovenia who ethnically originated in other republics of former Yugoslavia had to file an application to acquire Slovenian citizenship based on Article 40 of the Citizenship of the Republic of Slovenia Act. Approximately 0.9% of Slovenia's population (18,305 people) did not succeed in obtaining Slovenian citizenship because either they did not file an application or their application was rejected. These people were erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents by the Ministry of Internal Affairs on 26 February 1992. The Ministry carried out this secret erasure without any legal basis. The Aliens Act entered into force for the erased which then annulled all their previously acquired rights; legally and formally they were made equivalent to migrants who cross borders illegally. Thus, the people erased from the Registry of Permanent Residents were suddenly left without any rights: the right to a residence in Slovenia (in their homes with their families), the right to cross the state borders, and all other economic, social and political rights. The implementation of the erasure concerns the suspension of basic human rights, the annulment of the principles of a legal state and the production of redundant people. The author argues that the erasure from the Registry of Permanent Residents is constitutive of Slovenian citizenship: the erasure established certain power relations in society and a certain type of democracy.     

Citizenship Debates in the New Germany

Nowhere is the fear, guilt, and pain of Germany’s dreadful past more evident that in contemporary debates over immigration policy. This debate has pit successive Christian Democratic Union politicians, who define Germany in ethno-nationalist terms, against the German left, which seeks to replace the volkish national tradition with a post-national multicultural identity. Ethno-nationalists and multicultural post-nationalists speak powerful, but mutually exclusive, moral languages that galvanize large segments of the German public. At the national level, extremists rarely succeed in Germany’s immigration debates, and the legislation that prevails represents a chaotic mix of liberal and nationalist policies.

Sexual Citizenship in the European Union

This article examines two different uses of the language of citizenship: in the context of the 'sexual citizen', and the transnational 'European citizen' of European Union politics. It begins with an exploration of how the concept of citizenship has been constitutively built on a set of binary constructs of in/exclusion and can prove a disciplining and regulatory concept. Yet, simultaneously, citizenship can have an active and democratic potentiality. The article interrogates these two faces of citizenship by considering the mobilization of lesbians and gay men through the International Lesbian and Gay Association Europe (ILGA Europe), and the engagement of ILGA with the institutions of the European Union. The article concludes that European and sexual citizenship underscores the tension, not only between active and passive citizenship forms, but more generally, between identity and difference. This tension demands, in turn, a reappraisal of identity-based thinking, in favour of a more coalitional, affinity-based politics .     

Reconsidering the Claim to Family Reunification in Migration

A high proportion of legal immigration is based on family reunification. On one view, this is based on a partialist preference towards citizens, and the universally grounded claims of refugees should be given at least equal consideration. This article focuses on reconsidering the justification for considering family reunification a particularly important criterion for admission and residence, without attempting to establish how exactly family and refugee claims should be balanced. It first considers arguments for and against giving substantial weight in migration to family members with respect to citizens and denizens, the state and incomers. These include, on the one hand, the intrinsic value of and right to family life, the possibility of integration and the agent-specific nature of the obligations involved, and, on the other, the anachronistic nature of the family claim, the extent to which migration is voluntary, the contemporary prevalence of transnational family relationships, the inheritance of privilege and the multiplier effect of family reunification. It next considers the justification for discriminating among family applicants in order to reduce family migration numbers by restricting admission to the immediate nuclear family, and examines whether this represents unwarranted cultural discrimination or runs counter to the fundamental reasons for respecting family life. It is argued that family reunification is best justified in terms not of a partialist preference towards fellow citizens, but of a universal obligation to allow those subject to the state's authority to maintain intimate relationships that entail agent-specific obligations of care. This justifies very substantial consideration for at least certain kinds of family reunification. If, in order to meet other claims, we should discriminate among family members, priority should attach to family relationships of care at 'critical times', rather than to nuclear family membership per se.     

Citizenship and the marginalities of migrants

How should we conceive and address the position of migrants in receiving states? The argument offered here presents an account of this position in terms of civic marginalization, that is, marginalization relative to the norm of the national citizen. Two dimensions of civic marginalization are distinguished. First, marginalization with respect to the status of national citizenship which is addressed in terms of the issue of whether specific kinds of migrants should be entitled to access to national citizenship, and what, if any, conditions governing such access are justifiable. Second, marginalization with respect to the rights and duties of the national citizen, which is addressed in terms of the rights to which specific types of migrant are entitled and the duties which can be demanded of them as well as the duties of the state towards them. Distinguishing these two dimensions also helps to bring into focus their interaction with one another by demonstrating that whether, and under what conditions, a migrant has access to national citizenship is normatively consequential for their rights and duties and the duties of the state towards them. The argument also offers methodological reflections on approaching this topic and draws attention to the strengths and limitations of its own methodological strategy.     

The Fate of Citizenship in Post-Westphalia

The article discusses the meaning of citizenship in a situation where the nations-state as we know it, i.e. the Westphalian form of state, is being eroded, thereby losing some of its essential functions. Since, as the argument goes, citizenship is embodied in civil society, and civil society needs a protective shelter in the form of a political authority structure, the decline of the nation-state implies a serious dilemma as far as the maintenance of principles of citizenship and human rights are concerned. The author outlines possible post-Westphalian scenarios, focussing on globalism versus regionalism, and finally argues in favour of what is called 'regional multilateralism' a regionalized world order, facilitating a regional civil society.     

Everyday Understandings of Citizenship in Germany

Most scholarship on citizenship focuses on institutional and structural analyses and extrapolates these to individual citizens' experiences. This renders citizenship a static and uniform concept that is divorced from individuals' understandings. Data gathered during qualitative and ethnographic fieldwork in Berlin, Germany, in 2000–01 show how ordinary Germans' understandings of citizenship challenge an oversimplified narrative about “Germanness” which has assigned a static notion of German citizenship as based on “blood”, or principles of jus sanguinis. By analyzing interviews with 60 working-class youth, this article demonstrates that these young people construct understandings of citizenship based primarily on cultural criteria. These findings redefine prevailing assumptions about Germans' understandings of citizenship and demonstrate that citizenship and naturalization policies cannot be used as a measure of the meaning of citizenship for ordinary citizens. Citizenship is not a static or uniform concept, but is rather imagined and re-imagined by ordinary citizens in a variety of ways.