Islamic business and business as usual: A study of firms in Egypt

Fifteen Egyptian firms producing goods and services were classified into two sets by method of finance, i.e. profit sharing for the seven Islamic versus debt-at-interest for the eight non-Islamic firms. Interviewed in 1993 and 1994, the two groups were found to be similar in customer relations and market behaviour and in paternalism towards employees. However, the non-Islamic firms had a significantly higher average profit rate, while the Islamic firms paid a significantly higher average wage, suggesting that cultural institutions shape economic behaviour even in a well-established market economy.     

Social capital,NGOs, and development: a Guatemalan case study

Social researchers continue to grasp for critical factors that foster or impede the development of social capital. This article highlights some of these factors based on an investigation of a low‐income urban settlement in Guatemala. Community activists and leaders, elected representatives, regional government service providers, local residents, NGO directors and staff, and other key informants living and working within the designated locality indicated a complex and diverse range of social, cultural, political, and economic issues that contributed to low levels of ‘broad‐based’ social capital. Long‐standing fears related to violence and corruption within a historically top‐down authoritarian state were the most significant factors impeding social capital, social organising, and civic participation. Northern‐led service‐providing NGOs in the area also curbed ‘broad‐based’ social capital by fostering dependency through intervention strategies that were external, top down, non‐participatory, and not community based.     

NGOs and post-violence community development: holistic,multi-track ventures in Afghanistan

This article explores the interview narratives of six NGO directors working in Afghanistan regarding the holistic and multi-track nature of their NGO's project work. Data analysis revealed that NGO leaders believed that effective NGO project work relies extensively on purposeful coordination with other NGOs, and is dependent on non-NGO actors such as the military, the UN, local government structures, and local organisations. However, working in proximity with international military forces posed special challenges for NGOs in Afghanistan. While validating the military's security work, NGO leaders believed it necessary to assert their independence from security operations, and military reconstruction and development work.

Les ONG et le développement communautaire post-violence : initiatives holistiques et à pistes multiples en Afghanistan

Cet article examine les comptes rendus donnés lors d'entretiens par six directeurs d'ONG qui travaillent en Afghanistan sur la nature holistique et à pistes multiples des travaux entrepris par leurs ONG respectives dans le cadre de projets. L'analyse des données a révélé que les leaders des ONG pensent que les travaux de projet des ONG dépendent considérablement d'une coordination délibérée avec d'autres ONG, et qu'ils sont par ailleurs tributaires d'acteurs autres que des ONG comme l'armée, l'ONU, les structures gouvernementales locales et les organisations locales. Cependant, le fait de travailler à proximité des forces militaires internationales pose des défis spéciaux pour les ONG en Afghanistan. Tout en validant les travaux en matière de sécurité menés par l'armée, les leaders des ONG pensent qu'il est nécessaire d'affirmer leur indépendance des opérations de sécurité, et des travaux de reconstruction et de développement menés par l'armée.

ONGs e desenvolvimento da comunidade após violência: Iniciativas holísticas e multifacetadas no Afeganistão

Este artigo explora as narrativas de entrevista de seis diretores de ONG trabalhando no Afeganistão, tendo em vista a natureza holística e multifacetada de seu trabalho de projeto de ONG. A análise dos dados revelou que os líderes de ONG acreditavam que um trabalho de projeto de ONG efetivo depende extensivamente de coordenação orientada com outras ONGs e depende de agentes que não sejam ONGs, tais como militares, ONU, estruturas governamentais locais e organizaç?es locais. Contudo, trabalhar de maneira próxima com forças militares internacionais impˇesafios especiais para as ONGs no Afeganistão. Embora validando o trabalho de segurança dos militares, líderes de ONGs acreditam que é necessário garantir a independõia deles das operaç?es de segurança e a reconstrução militar e o trabalho de desenvolvimento.

Las ONG y el desarrollo comunitario tras la violencia: experiencias integrales en múltiples frentes en Afganistán

Este ensayo analiza las entrevistas a seis directores de ONG de Afganistán relacionadas con la naturaleza integral y diversificada del trabajo en proyectos de las ONG. Las entrevistas revelan que los directores de las ONG creen que la eficiencia de sus proyectos depende en gran parte de la buena coordinación con otras ONG y con otros actores como el ejército, la ONU, las oficinas locales de gobierno y las organizaciones locales. Sin embargo, se presentaron retos especiales para las ONG por su trabajo con las fuerzas militares internacionales. Si bien los directores de las ONG aceptan el trabajo de los militares en tareas de seguridad, también insisten en reafirmar su autonomía frente a las operaciones de seguridad y al trabajo militar en reconstrucción y desarrollo.     

The prince of darkness and the evil empire: Richard Perle,the Soviet Union,and U.S. arms control policy

This paper consists of three parts. First, it investigates the rationality assumption behind much deterrence theorizing and arrives at the conclusion that the rationality assumption is not fully compatible with credible retaliation. Moreover, the requirements of central deterrence and of extended deterrence tend to be incompatible with each other. Since theoretical deliberations call the persisting reliability of deterrence into question, alternatives to deterrence have to be considered. The second part of the paper therefore investigates strategic defense as an improvement over deterrence and a possibly stabilizing element in deterrence. The final part refers to conceivable conflicts of interests between the USA and Western Europe concerning SDI. It is argued that such conflicts of interest either arise from parochial concerns or from overlooking the comparative advantages of free and totalitarian systems in the production of military power.     

NGOs,corporate social responsibility,and social accountability: Inditex vs. Clean Clothes

Markets and businesses are undergoing major changes as globalisation deepens. Pressure from diverse social groups, both environmental and economic, is changing the operating environment. Many corporations are interested in devising social-responsibility strategies, both as a response to outside pressures and in their own interests. Against this background, this article considers the case of Inditex, a company based in Galicia, and the ‘harassment’ to which it was subjected by Setem, the Spanish chapter of the Clean Clothes Campaign (CCC). Reviewing Setem's claims leads to a better understanding of the repercussions for social systems that are now increasingly informed by external actors. The authors argue that both corporations and non-government organisations must account for the social impact of their activities.     

东南亚非政府组织:源起、现状与前景——以马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度尼西亚为例

近30年来,随着东南亚国家政治经济的发展,公民社会的力量也逐步增强,非政府组织在国家政治生活中的地位也愈发重要。由于东南亚国家有着各自不同的历史发展背景和社会政治体制,相应地,各国非政府组织的发展也存在着多样性。本文以马来西亚、泰国、菲律宾、印度尼西亚为例,研究东南亚非政府组织的发展情况。     

龙文化、大国心态、中美关系--对中国"受害者心理"的历史与理论考释

本文从历史与理论层面探讨了中美关系发展中的中方决策人的心理因素 ,指出中国人的“受害者心理”与传统“龙文化”下的“大国心态”的相互交织是构建中美外交“脱序”态势的众多基本因素之一 ,同时提出“不怨胜己者 ,反求诸己”是中国完成国家实现所需要的一种健康的国家心态。     

Civil society,democratization and development (II): Two country cases

Part II of this article applies the definition of ‘civil society’ and explores the hypotheses about its political role in the process of democratisation developed in Part I, in the context of two country case studies, South Korea and Zambia. These are chosen because of the contrasts in their developmental performance and in their level of socio‐economic development. In both countries, the forces of civil society played a major role in the transition to a democratic regime, but the prospects for sustainability vary. In the South Korean case, certain elements of civil society have grown along with the industrialization process and constitute a powerful force both to prevent an authoritarian reversion and to deepen the democratic process, in spite of the continuing strength of state elites left over from the ancien regime. The prospects for democratic sustainability are also improved by the maintenance of a growth momentum. In Zambia, however, the social and economic situations are still dire, the democratic elements of civil society are weak and divided and the state itself is in a ruinous condition. This leads one to be more pessimistic about the longer‐term prospects of democratic politics there. The article concludes by raising the issue of how democratic systems, once established, may be shaped to enhance both their political survival and their developmental capacity, with particular emphasis on the relationship between the state, political society and civil society.     

Institutionalised cooperation and policy convergence in European defence: lessons from the relations between France,Germany and the UK

What are the prospects for trilateral concord among Britain, France and Germany in terms of defence policies? Would more institutionalised links among them lead to more convergence of their defence policies? To answer these interrogations, this article investigates the relation between policy convergence and institutionalised cooperation, in particular by studying whether and when one is a prerequisite to the other. First, this article examines the extent to which these countries' defence policies have converged since the end of the cold war based on several indicators: their attitudes towards international forums, their defence budgets, the structure of their armed forces and their willingness to use force. Second, we study each of the bilateral relations between the three states to qualitatively analyse their degree of institutionalisation and the convergence of their defence policies. This article concludes that contrary to the arguments of many discussions, think-tank reports and political actors, there is no evidence that institutionalised cooperation leads to policy convergence as far as defence is concerned.     

Changes and continuities. Evolution of a Chinese family business (1876–2004)

Starting from the early nineteenth century, western colonial activities have opened up a large area of Southeast Asia for economic penetration. Chinese family business, with its extensive familial and cultural networks, has a niche in these frontier areas where economic and legal institutions were embryonic or ineffective. In Southeast Asia, Chinese extended families are often geographically dispersed. By spreading wealth across borders, these families have not only diversified their business risk, but also built up a mechanism to enforce business obligations cross borders. Contractual obligations in business could always be enforced by one’s familial and communal mechanisms without recourse to legal authority or institutions outside the communities. It helps to explain why the Overseas Chinese communities, over the centuries, have played an important part in the ties which China has forged with its neighbouring regions in Asia. By looking into the historical transformation of a traditional Chinese family business under five generations of patriarchal leadership, this article intends to examine the validity of the above thesis. Eu Yan Sang (EYS), a famous manufacturer and retailer of Chinese medicines over the past 120 years, is the focus of this study.     

Civil society,democratization and development (I): Clearing the analytical ground

This is the first section of a two‐part article investigating the relationship between civil society and the recent wave of democratization in developing countries. It highlights the ambiguity of the term ‘civil society’ and proposes a definition which may prove serviceable in discovering the political role played by civil society in facilitating or impeding democratization. In addition to the conventional distinction between civil society and the state, the article makes further distinctions between ‘civil society’, ‘political society’ and ‘society’. It specifies several commonly held expectations about the potential political influence exerted by civil society on the character of political regimes and the behaviour of the state, and generates certain historically rooted hypotheses about these relationships. These concepts and hypotheses are intended as an analytical framework to be applied to specific country case‐studies in the second part of the article to follow in a later issue of this Journal.     

Openings in the wall: transnational migrants,labor unions,and U.S. immigration policy

"This article seeks to enhance our understanding of why the United States resisted restrictionist [immigration] legislation in the late twentieth century during times when one may have expected a movement toward closure, as occurred in the 1920s.... The article will supplement a state-centric approach with insights from the perspective of complex interdependence--the significance of transnational relations and the blurring of foreign and domestic politics. I will argue that the societal groups that influence the formation of U.S. immigration policy contain a transnational component, which contributes to the maintenance of relatively open legislation.... More specifically, I will argue that the transnationalization of the labor market...blurs the boundaries between foreign and domestic constituents for unions, causing unions to resist those restrictionist immigration measures that impede organization of foreign-born workers. Hence, the pressures for restrictionism are weaker than anticipated by the conventional wisdom that expects labor to lobby for closure."     

All for one and one in all: private military security companies as soldiers,business managers and humanitarians

With governments increasingly contracting private military and security companies (PMSCs) to perform military and police-related tasks, international relations scholars have made attempts to better understand PMSCs and to investigate the reasons for the boom of private security. Rather than focusing on the services these companies offer, which has been a common approach, we offer an identity-based explanation for their surge. We show that PMSCs eclectically assume identities related to the military, business managers and humanitarians, independent of the services they perform, their market segment or their location on the battlefield. This finding points to an important yet little-noted dimension in the private security industry. Although companies are heterogeneous, they also appear increasingly homogeneous because they incorporate a similar set of identities. On the one hand, this enables PMSCs to adapt to any context, client or employee, and, on the other hand, it has constitutive qualities, contributing to an important source of power for the respective companies. These multiple identities contribute to a norm of what a superior security provider should look like.