'Makeweight in the balance': Italian diplomatic documents, 1893-95

I Documenti Diplomatici Italiani, seconda seria, 1870-1895, vol.xxvi (Dec. 1893-March 1895), edited by Ministero degli Affari Esteri. Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1999. lxxvii + 751 pp. Price not obtainable.     

The virtues of specialization: British and American diplomatic reporting on Russia, 1921-39

While important changes were made to the organization of the British diplomatic establishment in the years after 1918, most senior officials remained committed to the ethos of the 'generalist'. In the United States, by contrast, significant efforts were made to inculcate the virtues of professionalism and specialization among members of the Foreign Service. This paper examines the way in which members of the American and British diplomatic establishments monitored developments in the USSR during the interwar years. It concludes that US diplomats were no better than their British counterparts at interpreting developments in Soviet Russia, despite the fact that they were generally better trained to carry out their duties.     

The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

The peripatetic career structure of the British diplomatic establishment, 1919-39

The first part of this article examines the development of the career structure of the British diplomatic establishment after the reforms of 1919-20, arguing that the peripatetic career identified with the prewar Diplomatic Service became increasingly common for all members of the new amalgamated service between the two world wars. The average length of posting to an overseas mission or one of the geographical departments in London seldom exceeded three years or so. The second part of the article then speculates on the impact of the peripatetic career on the effectiveness of the British diplomatic establishment, suggesting that it had both postive and negative impacts.     

Third world neutralism and British Cold War strategy, 1960-62

European decolonization appeared to the Western powers to open up fresh areas of the globe to Cold War competition. Concerned by the coincidence of Afro-Asian and Sovier pressure on the European colonial powers, and preoccupied with the redefinition of Britain's global role in the wake of decolonization, the British Foreign Office was convinced, despite much evidence to the contrary, that the West needed to champion 'neutralism' in order to prevent the Afro-Asian states from orienting towards the Soviet sphere. This article argues that this policy was determined more by their anxieties about Anglo-American relations in the wake of decolonization than by a deeply held conviction of the imminence of the extension of the communist world.     

Eisenhower, arms control and disarmament: United States diplomatic documents, 1958-60

Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-60: Volume III, Microfiche Supplement, National Security Policy; Arms Control and Disarmament, Washington, DC: Department of State, 1998.     

Israel's entry to Africa, 1956-61

From 1956 to 1961, Israel established a presence in Africa that constituted a remarkable diplomatic achievement. When the Gold Coast became Ghana in March 1957, Israel's consulate in Accra became its first embassy in Africa. Israel experienced its first serious setback in Africa in January 1961, when Ghana, Guinea and Mali signed an anti-Israel declaration at the Casablanca conference. This initiative of Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser condemned Israel as 'an instrument in the service of imperialism'. Yet while Israel feared it had lost what it had achieved in sub-Saharan Africa since 1957, the toll was primarily psychological, for the Israelis had, by 1961, achieved their main objective in Africa.     

Our Arms in Havana: British Military Sales to Batista and Castro, 1958-59

When the United States—the traditional supplier of arms to Cuba—decided not to supply Fulgencio Batista's government after March 1958 and the dictator approached Britain, this presented a dilemma for Harold Macmillan's administration so soon after the 1956 Suez crisis. Whitehall was keen to sell arms but wary of doing business with a country so firmly located in the United States' sphere of influence. It will be seen that the Foreign Office conferred with Washington at every stage in its decision process, both in deciding to arm Batista after gaining US acquiescence, and later in acceding to pressure and not supplying military hardware to Fidel Castro's nascent regime.     

The European union as a diplomatic actor: internal, traditional, and structural diplomacy

An investigation into EU diplomacy naturally requires an analysis of the diplomacy developed within the framework of the Common Foreign and Securiry Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU). But equally important is the 'internal diplomacy' focusing on the settlement of mutual relationships among member states and particularly the 'structural diplomacy' based on EU strategies and partnerships with other regions in the world, which is aimed at promoting structural long-term changes in these regions.     

中非友好合作与共同发展

中国与非洲的友好交往历史悠久。新中国的成立开辟了中非关系的新纪元,中国为非洲国家的政治解放、经济发展和社会进步做出了力所能及的贡献,非洲国家也在许多方面给予了中国大力的支持。新世纪,中非之间的友好合作与共同发展面临新的机遇。随着中非合作论坛机制的逐渐建立,中国与非洲在各领域的友好合作呈现蓬勃发展势头。展望未来,中非友好关系将继续深入发展     

论中非关系的演变:历史意义、经验与教训

中非关系源远流长,积累了丰富的历史内涵.50多年来,中非关系史的特点可以归纳为:基于地缘政治和历史机遇,中非间由三无关系发展为全天候友谊,进而确立为政治上平等互信、经济上合作共赢、文化上交流互鉴的新型战略伙伴关系;基于中华传统文化、和为贵求共荣的思维,中非关系已经形成明确理念--友谊、和平、合作、发展;随着中国改革开放的深入,中方企业与各门类人员越来越多地走进非洲;中非友好合作不仅在国际事务方面,而且深入到对国家发展道路的共同探索.上述特点体现出中非关系在世界现代史上的地位.新中国成立以来,中非关系发展的历史经验有两条:其一是要坚持贯彻并不断弘扬万隆精神;其二是要坚持发挥国家集中体制在交往活动中的主导作用.     

The European union as a diplomatic actor: internal,traditional, and structural diplomacy

An investigation into EU diplomacy naturally requires an analysis of the diplomacy developed within the framework of the Common Foreign and Securiry Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU). But equally important is the ‘internal diplomacy’ focusing on the settlement of mutual relationships among member states and particularly the ‘structural diplomacy’ based on EU strategies and partnerships with other regions in the world, which is aimed at promoting structural long-term changes in these regions.     

Radicalisation and violent extremism in West Africa: implications for African and international security

This article interrogates emerging trends and patterns in the process of radicalisation and violent extremism in West Africa and the implications for regional and international security regimes, practices and thinking. It argues that there are real and imagined challenges of radicalisation and violent extremism. The overarching view is that the emergence of intra- and extra-African preoccupation with violent extremism alone, rather than alongside seriously addressing its structural undercurrents related to preventing and interrupting the process of radicalisation, distorts the security realities and further exacerbates the security situation in Africa. Radicalisation and violent extremism further integrates West Africa into global security assemblages, yet the absence or non-incorporation of an indigenous African (civil society) perspective or counter-narrative about radicalisation and violent extremism uncritically fuses and conflates the strategic interests of major powers with the local realities in Africa. Moreover, there is a huge potential that national governments could exploit local, regional and international interests in counteracting terrorism for domestic political advantages, such as mis-characterisation of subsisting conflicts, regular political opposition and other local grievances as cases of terrorism, thereby risking a deterioration in security conditions.     

The Declining Appeal of Diasporic Connections: African American Organising for South Africa,Haiti and Rwanda*

Throughout the 20th century, African Americans challenged US foreign policies towards Africa and the Caribbean. In the first half of the century diasporic connections, particularly shared oppression and ancestral ties, triggered responses. When the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), an informal organisation of African American congressional representatives, became the key architects of African American foreign policy in the early 1970s, civil rights tactics were wedded to diasporic appeals to motivate African Americans to help shift US foreign policy towards South Africa and Haiti. Diasporic ties, however, worked against a campaign on behalf of Rwanda. This article argues that black globality, a broader framework that encompasses diasporic connections as only one of many possible ties between African Americans and Africa and African diasporic communities, will better serve the CBC in its goal to move African Americans to act on foreign policy issues concerning Africa and African diasporic communities in the 21st century.     

Change and Stability in Eastern Asia: Nationalism, Communism, and British Policy, 1948-1955

British policy in Eastern Asia, 1948-55, aimed to combine the attainment of change leading to stability, to be secured through cooperating with nationalism against the growing threat from communism. After initial errors, ministers and officials revealed realism and flexibility, as shown in policies towards Burma, Malaya, and China. As regards Japan, the United States dominated decisionmaking and British views were rather negative towards the viability of political reform in the longer term and towards economic revival. The collapse of French authority in Indo-China pushed Anthony Eden towards compromise with the communist powers at the Geneva conference in 1954: Britain diverged from the US in supporting a strictly defensive alliance (SEATO), which was linked with an ambivalent approach to the future of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.