Intervenors with Interests and Power

This article presents a framework for understanding the roles that interested and powerful intervenors play in resolving disputes. Called an intervention role grid, this framework can be used to analyze the dispute resolution functions that third parties can perform. It may also be used to shed light on the difficult choices that confront intervenors with interests and power. The article uses case material from five recent international conflicts to illustrate how the intervention role grid works.     

Changes with Time and Situation

Fu: Changes in the ties between America and Russia depends on both Washington and Moscow and especially are closely related to the national destiny and strategy of Russia. I think to make a necessary analysis would provide us with an important reference for prediction of relations between America and Russia.……     

论当前广西与泰国的经贸关系——兼谈与云南和泰国经贸关系的比较分析

在发展同泰国的经贸关系中,广西与云南具有许多相似点,例如广西与云南的区位优势都很明显,都是中国通向东南亚的桥头堡,与泰国距离都很近;根据专家的研究,云南的傣族、广西的壮族与泰国的民族都是"同源异流",双方习俗相似、语音相近,两省区都有不少华侨华人在泰国.更重要的是,云南与广西在产业结构上都是工业不发达以农业为基础的省份,两省区与泰国产业结构趋同和产业水平相近,产业内贸易在双方贸易总额中所占比重很大.在这样相同的背景下,对云南与泰国的经贸关系和广西与泰国的经贸关系进行比较分析,找出其中的差距,借鉴云南的经验,挖掘自身的优势,对于进一步推动广西与泰国的经贸关系的发展无疑具有重要的意义.     

越南的能源与中越能源合作

中越关系正常化以来,随着中越关系的不断发展,双方经济合作不断加强,尤其是在能源领域的合作。本文试图介绍越南主要能源状况,分析中越能源合作的现状、动因及前景,以就教于诸方家。一、越南的能源资源越南资源丰富,越南人习惯将其国土和海域称为“金山银海”,以赞美其资源之丰富;而其能源资源确实丰富多样,有的种类储量巨大①。尤其盛产石油、煤炭等当今世界最为关键的能源,并成为越南出口创汇大户。(一)石油和天然气②越南初步探明的石油天然气储量共10亿立方米石油,估计其总储量可能达35亿～50亿立方米石油。在东南亚各国中,越南的石油储…     

文化融入策略与恐怖组织的认同

恐怖组织的认同构建过程可分为三个阶段：个体恐怖分子在群体中找到自我、组织内部同一性的构建以及组织一致对外的恐怖主义活动。在整个认同构建过程中,始终贯穿着恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾,具体表现为：第一阶段,潜在恐怖分子在主流文化中认同受挫,转而寻求加入恐怖组织。第二阶段,恐怖组织以自身所处的宗教文化为基础,构建其组织文化,并积极通过各种方式加深组织成员对这一文化的认同,但与此相对,恐怖组织外群体却很难认同其组织文化。第三阶段,恐怖组织内外群体文化融入策略选择的矛盾持续激化,最终导致恐怖组织采取一致对外的恐怖主义活动。通过“伊斯兰国”作为案例,对上述恐怖组织的认同过程进行分析后发现,“伊斯兰国”的“成功”是与其“成功”的文化融入策略密切相关,而其在阿富汗的受挫,在很大程度上也是由于文化融入策略“失当”所导致的,即“伊斯兰国”在阿富汗不但无力完成与塔利班的竞争,而且无法解决组织面临的跨文化冲突问题。因此,在打击“伊斯兰国”等暴恐极端势力时,关注文化融入策略的影响并有针对性地采取对策,具有重要意义和价值。     

Strengthening and Consolidating Friendly Relations with China

AttheinvitationofCAFIU,thedelegationoftheLoyalJirgaofAfghanistanheadedbyChairmanMo-jadedipaidavisittoChinaforthefirsttimefromMarch30toApril6.InBeijing,LiGuixian,Vice-ChairmanoftheNationalCommitteeoftheChinesePeople'sPoliticalConsultativeConferenceandPresidentofCAFIUmetandhaddinnerwiththedelegation.WangJiarui,MinisterofInternationalDepartmentofCPCCentralCommittee,LiChen-gren,ExecutiveVice-PresidentofCAFIUandWangYi,ViceForeignMinistermetandhelddis-cussionwiththedelegationre…     

Talking with terrorists,talking with governments: insurgent perspectives on legitimisation and engagement

ABSTRACT

It is often claimed that “talking to terrorists legitimises terrorism”. But analysts too often assume that insurgents seek standard forms of liberal-legalistic legitimisation through engagement with the state. From a Weberian perspective, however, liberal-legalistic legitimacy is one of a myriad of symbolic and practical grounds for legitimisation. This paper takes a political sociological approach to the problem of legitimacy in “terrorist” conflicts through a comparative analysis of Irish republican and Basque separatist efforts to end the campaigns of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) and Basque Homeland and Freedom (ETA). There are three principal findings. First, violent insurgents often reject liberal-legalistic legitimatisation and instead seek recognition of their capacity to shape the trajectories of conflicts – and therefore recognition of their centrality to ending them. Second, the pursuit by violent insurgents for recognition of capacity often comes into conflict with their non-violent allies’ pursuit of liberal-legalistic legitimisation, which can hinder peace-making. Finally, the pursuit of these forms of legitimisation structure peace processes in that armed groups seeking recognition demand direct talks with governments, while legitimacy-seeking non-violent insurgents emphasise engagement with political parties and non-violent organisations. The relative balance between symbolic goals thus shapes the practice of peace-making in such conflicts.     

Dealing with dictators: Westphalian and American strategies

The 1648 Westphalia settlement contained a recipe for the toleranceof political and religious diversity within states. Until the twentiethcentury, European governments generally tolerated a pluralityof political forms. Breaking with the Westphalian tradition,the Bolsheviks were the first to deny moral and diplomatic legitimacyto ‘bourgeois’ regimes. Although the United Stateshas recognized, placated and supported a number of dictatorships,it has also used extreme measures to oust regimes that do notmeet unspecified tests of democracy. The United States, breaking rankswith the UN Security Council strategy of containing Hussein,has sought to destroy him through bombing. The Rambouillet agreement,I argue, was a case of ‘faux’ diplomacy, an ultimatumdesigned to provoke Milosevic to war. American responses topolitical diversity in the world raise a number of importantquestions about the continuation of the Westphalian tradition.Are we to have a world of political heterogeneity or homogeneity?If the latter, who will decide on the criteria for inclusionin the club of states, and how will the decisions be made?     

拉美石油业与中拉石油合作现状

拉丁美洲拥有丰富的石油资源,是世界上最早生产石油的地区,也是世界上最早大规模出口石油的地区,对世界石油体系的建立与发展产生过并继续产生着重大影响。近年来,拉美大力推行石油发展战略,正以世界“新兴石油区”的姿态出现于国际能源舞台。 一、丰富的石油资源 拉美石油资源非常丰富,且分布相当集中。据     

日本的国家走向与中日关系

小泉纯一郎出任首相后 ,日本的政局变化、内外政策乃至国家发展走向引起了世界各国的高度关注 ,其对中日关系的影响亦成为国人讨论的热点。本文试对这些问题作些个人的评析。一、小泉执政与日本政局对近十年来日本形势的最形象比喻 ,莫过于“颠簸”这两个字。前不久 ,笔者与美国黄兴基金会董事长薛君度先生共同主编的一本关于日本问题的书 ,题目就是《颠簸的日本》。所谓的“颠簸” ,在这里包含两层意思 :一是说日本的政治经济形势这些年来一直处在不稳定当中。二战后日本的经济发展成就和政治稳定源于两大体制 ,即政治上的“1 955年体制”…     

中国的发展:一种新的进步观

根据会议程序,我最后一个发言,据此,我可以听到这次会议的很多东西,我确实也同意这些看法。我们知道,拉丁美洲有2.4亿贫困人口,对我们治理国家的能力来讲这是一个更大的考验。我们知道,在复杂和缺乏必要规则的国际经济领域,拉美与中国的贸易额达到700亿美元。我同意对拉美大陆与中国发展政治关系重要性的分析。因此,值此次关于当前拉丁美洲发生的变化和面临的机遇研讨会的召开,请允许我从大概不同的角度补充问题。一对双方必不可少的对话首先,我认为,中国与拉丁美洲和加勒比的对话对双方来讲都具有实质性意义。因为我们是在21世纪时期构建关…     

老挝的贫困和解决贫困问题

老挝人民革命党特别重视和注意解决人民的贫困问题,把它作为老挝党的事业、政府和全体人民优先的任务。如果人民的贫困问题没有     

改革开放与中国对发展中国家关系的调整

中国与发展中国家的关系,是中国对外政策的重要组成部分和对外政策的基础。这包含两层重要的意义:其一,推动与发展中国家的关系是中国外交的传统.这个传统因中国也是发展中国家的一     

International affairs studies and their relationship with foreign policy

Peace and security are a key dimension of the Joint Africa--EU Strategy, adopted at the Lisbon Summit in December 2007. In view of its revision in 2010, a series of shortcomings and some successes can be identified in relation to four main strategic objectives: enhancing the political dialogue on common threats, building a global security partnership, promoting a people-centred approach, ensuring coordination among instruments and resources. In order to make the new peace and security partnership work, the EU is now called upon to address both external and internal challenges: supporting the development of effective African capabilities for the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts, promoting better governance and transparency standards on the continent and establishing a common EU Africa policy.     

友谊与利益:中非关系的独特性

随着中非关系在最近十年的发展,如何为中非关系定性的话题也随之而来有的称中国为“新殖民主义者”,而有的称中国为非洲的帮助者。对中国的指责主要来自西方国家(主要是美、英、法三国)的政治势力和新闻媒体,而在非洲人的积极支持下,中国人也做出有力的辩驳。本文认为,在涉及非洲发展和非洲尊严的重大问题上,与西方国家相比,中国与非洲建立联系的特点表明中国是对非洲更为有利的因素。     

中国的崛起与朝鲜半岛关系

2010年发生的"天安号"和"延平岛"事件是使崛起的中国面临维持还是改变东北亚安全现状的重要的战略选择。由于朝鲜半岛关系到中国的核心利益,我们应把它界定为地缘战略重点。在朝鲜半岛问题上中国应起到建设性作用,为其解决提供规则,与有关各方更多地共享利益,维护朝鲜半岛的和平稳定。在具体战略运作上,既要坚持韬光养晦,又要积极有所作为;既要顾全大局,又要具体情况具体分析;既要坚持多边机制,又要加强双边关系。     

Torture and terrorism: an interview with Moazzam Begg

This article presents some of the findings of research on issues surrounding teaching terrorism and political violence at UK higher education institutions. It reports the results of a survey of UK institutions of higher education on their responses to government and other pressures in relation to terrorism. The data show a minority of universities have developed systems, policies or procedures for ‘preventing violent extremism’, while a significant number have developed close cooperation and collaboration with state counterterrorism policies raising potential issues of academic freedom. This article then examines three high-profile cases – incidents where universities, lecturers and students have come under political and legal pressures over the content of terrorism courses or accusations of ‘radicalisation’ on campus. It suggests that these pressures can be and sometimes are resisted, but that they have on occasion effectively narrowed the scope of academic freedom in practise with the danger that a further chilling effect follows in their wake.