选举权观念的变迁——以选举权之性质为中心的考察

在人类漫长的民主历史中,对于选举权性质的认识,也有个变迁的过程,其间充斥着广泛而又激烈的争论,深刻地影响了人类社会的历史。关于选举权的性质,主要出现过以下六种观念和理论：公民属性论、特权论、个人权利论、公务论、权利兼公务论和阶级论。这些观念和理论流行于不同的时代,与当时社会背景有着紧密的关系,并对当前实践产生了不同程度的影响。     

论我国合作社社员附加表决权的法律规制

当前我国合作社实践中普遍存在的社员附加表决权导致了社员对合作社民主控制的虚化,从而对法律规制社员附加表决权提出了要求。我国社员附加表决权法律规制应以确保社员民主控制合作社为目标,但是,当前立法对法定附加表决权规制不力,对事实型附加表决权和合作社联合社附加表决权缺乏规制。为保障社员对合作社的民主控制,我国立法应当对社员附加表决权从其授予到影响力再到行使进行全方位的规制,同时,将事实型附加表决权、合作社联合社的附加表决权纳入法律规制的对象范畴。     

Granting the Right to Vote for the European Parliament to Resident Third‐Country Nationals: Civic Citizenship Revisited

The EU grants rights to third‐country nationals (TCNs) and strives to approximate their rights to those of Union citizens. Up to now, the approximation has extended to social and economic matters. This article investigates whether political rights, notably voting rights for the European Parliament (EP), should also be approximated. To this end, the analysis applies Dahl's democratic principles of ‘coercion’ and ‘all affected interests’ as well as Bauböck's principle of ‘stakeholding’ to the position of TCNs in the EU. Against that background, it explores the relevance of arguments for and against granting TCNs the right to vote in European elections and submits that voting rights should be granted to long‐term resident TCNs. The author then proposes including TCN voting rights in the legal framework for EP elections and concludes by suggesting the use of the concept of civic citizenship to express political approximation of TCNs to EU citizens.     

Congressional Vote Options

Numerous accounts reveal that congressional leaders often secure “hip‐pocket votes” or “if you need me” pledges from rank‐and‐file legislators. These are essentially options on votes. Leaders exercise sufficient options—pay legislators to convert to favorable votes—when those options will yield victory. Otherwise, they release the options. A model shows that this optimal strategy for leaders produces many small victories, few small losses, and losses that are, on average, larger than victories. We find precisely these patterns, hence strong evidence for vote options, in Congressional Quarterly key votes from 1975 through 2001 and in non‐key votes from the 106th Congress (1999–2000).     

A Right to Violate One's Duty

Law and Philosophy -     

Koushal v Naz: Judges Vote to Recriminalise Homosexuality

In Koushal v Naz the Indian Supreme Court overturned a High Court judgment which had declared unconstitutional section 377 of the Indian Penal Code criminalising ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature’. In doing so, it has rebranded gay and transgendered Indians as criminals. This case note explores some of the structural problems that led to this judgment. The first problem is the transformation of the Indian Supreme Court into a populist, quasi‐legislative, institution that sees itself as a tool of governance. This has put significant pressure on its counter‐majoritarian role. The second relates to the sheer size of the Court's docket (given its wide jurisdiction and lax standing rules), coupled with the Indian legal academy's inability and unwillingness to continuously demand judicial fidelity to the law. These factors have led to the normalisation of unreasoned or poorly‐reasoned judgments and a breakdown of stare decisis.     

The Right to Privacy: A Discourse-Theoretical Approach

The relative importance of the right to privacy in constitutional democracies is reconsidered on the basis of discourse theory. To this end the author does not regard privacy as an aim in itself but as a provider of freedom, and concentrates on the key role that freedom plays in discourse-theoretical constructions of constitutional democracies.     

沉默权的宪法思考

本文认为 ,沉默权首先应是一项宪法权利 ,诉讼法有关沉默权的规定 ,无非是宪法规定的具体化而已。确认沉默权制度体现了宪法保障人权的终极价值目标 ,是民主宪政制度发展的必然趋势。在宪法中公开确认沉默权 ,是符合现代民主政治要求的。     

论环境权是一种社会权

环境权的积极权利性质、受益权和程序权相结合的性质、集体权利性质、实现的义务规范性、环境利益的社会公共性决定了环境权是一种社会权。     

论人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权的分离

人格权独立成编是我国民法典体例的重大创新,在独立成编的人格权法中是否应当规定人格权请求权,以及如何规定人格权请求权,是我国人格权立法需要解决的重大疑难问题。笔者认为,人格权请求权的独立性是其与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离的基础,人格权请求权的产生与发展是人格权制度重要的发展趋势;人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权的区别是其二者分离的原因;充分有效保护人格权是人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离的目的。笔者并对民法典草案中有关人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离模式的立法选择作出了探讨。     

诉权法理研究论纲

诉权被无故侵犯常见于报端,人们早已习以为常;而对诉权的研究则相当薄弱,学界通行的诉权定义存在不周延之处。诉权就是请求法律救济的权利,是启动与延续诉讼的权利。它是一项与诉讼权利、应诉权、公诉权有别的权利。诉权的形式有民事诉权、行政诉权、刑事诉权和宪法诉权。诉权的内容有起诉权、上诉权、反诉权、申请再审权以及申请宪法解释权和刑事自诉权等等。在法治社会,诉权是高于实在法的道德权利,是一项基本人权。在社会进化过程中,诉权实质内容不断丰富,诉权形式逐渐多样化,诉权主体走向普及,人们在诉权面前实现了平等,随之诉权地位也从习惯的权利上升为宪法的权利与基本人权。诉权的结构可以从诉权的主体、诉权的对象、诉权的义务人三方的关系中去认识。这一特殊的三角结构使诉权产生了不同于其他权利的特殊的社会功能:保障权利、控制权力、和平解决社会纠纷。     

试论生育权

作者对生育权的概念,地位、保护其主体的权利和义务,以及生育权与计划生育的关系等问题做了较深入的探讨,以期引起读者对生育权的重视。     

The Equal Chance To Have One's Vote Count

Law and Philosophy -     

Why Shareholders Shouldn't Vote: A Marxist‐progressive Critique of Shareholder Empowerment

This paper argues that liquidity, short‐termism and low involvement in corporate governance are fundamental ingredients of shareholders’ value maximisation strategies. Neither shareholders nor their representatives will voluntarily adopt restrictions which inhibit their ability to pursue these strategies, such as those presented by the Stewardship Codes. Utilising Marxist and progressive theory this paper evidences the tendency for all capital (including shares) to seek liquidity. It presents historical evidence which shows that political policy can either restrict this tendency, as it did in the progressive and post war period, or facilitate it, as it did in nineteenth century England and in the current neoliberal period. The shareholder empowerment initiatives examined in this paper are therefore best understood as strategies to justify shareholder claims in the current crisis and to thereby protect the neoliberal status quo.     

续租权与铺底权之比较

本文立足比较研究,对法国法上的续租权进行了一番较为出色的分析,解码了续租权作为“成功规范模式”的若干方面,这一研究也不乏见微知著的意义,为读者洞悉现代商事法上有关权利形成和调试的秘诀提供了一条线索。作者系学界新人,然在方法运思和风格表达上颇见功夫:在方法上,以中国固有法之铺底权为参照,成熟构思了以功能为基点的比较框架,在发见和清理营业资产保护、铺底之维系这些意义的基础上,通过对适用条件和范围、效力、租金的确定等关涉制度关键构成问题的观察和解析,取得了“打通关节”的理喻功效;在风格上,呈现了时下研究中并不多见的细致特点以及能够条分缕析的能力。还值得一提的是,人们关于特定权利妥当化的探究,往往喜欢立于某种超事实的权利证成理论,而这些理论又多以政治哲学为尺寸,所以通常是恢弘而旨大,然实地观照却为不足,故难免务虚之嫌,本文却在某种意义上追随了权利“作为事实形成”的论证路线,在这一研究策略下,权利之妥当首先是一种事实上的可能和必要,即指涉某种实际生活形态的意义之花的结果。     

住房权保障如何可能研究纲要

在公法意义上,早期的住宅自由是基本人权的住房权的雏形。历史经验表明,时代的发展和人权理念的更新不断地将新的内涵注入住房权权利体系。近年来,随着国际国内社会对住房权的普遍重视,在国内层面上如何实现对住房权的法律保障问题渐进凸显。在立法层面,宪法和住宅法应该成为基础与核心,而在司法实践中也应该尝试确认住房权的可诉性,实现对住房权的司法救济。     

State Politics and the Right to Counsel: A Comparative Analysis

One of the most significant recent developments in the study of crime and justice is the emergence of theoretical explanations for the dramatic changes in criminal justice policy over the past few decades. These theoretical accounts address not only highly visible developments, such as the meteoric rise in incarceration rates, but also less-conspicuous shifts in due process and civil liberties, and they do so by attributing more-repressive policies to the emergence of a political culture that has substantially redefined crime and justice. This article focuses on an important due process issue, the legal representation of indigent defendants in criminal courts. We describe the state of indigent defense policy, particularly structure and funding, across the states in 2002, and analyze variation on two dimensions where states may exercise discretion: the extent to which states assume responsibility for funding services (rather than relying on local governments), and the generosity with which these programs are funded overall. We test hypotheses that link funding for services with the ideology of state political leadership, public values about tolerance and race relations, and states' public welfare policy climates. We find little support for the prediction that a welfare climate shapes more progressive indigent defense policies. However, the results suggest that the racial threat hypothesis helps account for spending on indigent defense, and that Republican control of the statehouse results in the perpetuation of local responsibility for program funding. Normative literature on indigent defense suggests that the patterns we observe may have important consequences for the quality of indigent defense services across states. Further, the findings reported here suggest that the politics of the punitive turn, as it has played out across the states, may be responsible not only for shifts in crime control policy, but for due process policy as well.