共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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在人类漫长的民主历史中,对于选举权性质的认识,也有个变迁的过程,其间充斥着广泛而又激烈的争论,深刻地影响了人类社会的历史。关于选举权的性质,主要出现过以下六种观念和理论:公民属性论、特权论、个人权利论、公务论、权利兼公务论和阶级论。这些观念和理论流行于不同的时代,与当时社会背景有着紧密的关系,并对当前实践产生了不同程度的影响。 相似文献
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Annette Schrauwen 《European Law Journal》2013,19(2):201-218
The EU grants rights to third‐country nationals (TCNs) and strives to approximate their rights to those of Union citizens. Up to now, the approximation has extended to social and economic matters. This article investigates whether political rights, notably voting rights for the European Parliament (EP), should also be approximated. To this end, the analysis applies Dahl's democratic principles of ‘coercion’ and ‘all affected interests’ as well as Bauböck's principle of ‘stakeholding’ to the position of TCNs in the EU. Against that background, it explores the relevance of arguments for and against granting TCNs the right to vote in European elections and submits that voting rights should be granted to long‐term resident TCNs. The author then proposes including TCN voting rights in the legal framework for EP elections and concludes by suggesting the use of the concept of civic citizenship to express political approximation of TCNs to EU citizens. 相似文献
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Numerous accounts reveal that congressional leaders often secure “hip‐pocket votes” or “if you need me” pledges from rank‐and‐file legislators. These are essentially options on votes. Leaders exercise sufficient options—pay legislators to convert to favorable votes—when those options will yield victory. Otherwise, they release the options. A model shows that this optimal strategy for leaders produces many small victories, few small losses, and losses that are, on average, larger than victories. We find precisely these patterns, hence strong evidence for vote options, in Congressional Quarterly key votes from 1975 through 2001 and in non‐key votes from the 106th Congress (1999–2000). 相似文献
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Law and Philosophy - 相似文献
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Tarunabh Khaitan 《The Modern law review》2015,78(4):672-680
In Koushal v Naz the Indian Supreme Court overturned a High Court judgment which had declared unconstitutional section 377 of the Indian Penal Code criminalising ‘carnal intercourse against the order of nature’. In doing so, it has rebranded gay and transgendered Indians as criminals. This case note explores some of the structural problems that led to this judgment. The first problem is the transformation of the Indian Supreme Court into a populist, quasi‐legislative, institution that sees itself as a tool of governance. This has put significant pressure on its counter‐majoritarian role. The second relates to the sheer size of the Court's docket (given its wide jurisdiction and lax standing rules), coupled with the Indian legal academy's inability and unwillingness to continuously demand judicial fidelity to the law. These factors have led to the normalisation of unreasoned or poorly‐reasoned judgments and a breakdown of stare decisis. 相似文献
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从“是否基本”的角度来认识宪法上的权利不能满足宪法理论与实践的要求,甚至容易造成误解。相较于“基本权利”,“宪法权利”是更为规范的表述。宪法权利是表示个人与国家关系的概念。宪法权利体系基本包含两个方面:每个人都享有的各种构建和控制政府的权利与个人基于人之目的性对国家提出诉求的权利。前者表示在一个共同体中的个人与其他所有人的关系,后者表示个人与包括他在内的整个共同体的关系。 相似文献
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Blanca R. Ruiz 《Ratio juris》1998,11(2):155-167
The relative importance of the right to privacy in constitutional democracies is reconsidered on the basis of discourse theory. To this end the author does not regard privacy as an aim in itself but as a provider of freedom, and concentrates on the key role that freedom plays in discourse-theoretical constructions of constitutional democracies. 相似文献
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Amber Wichowsky 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2012,37(4):437-463
Incumbents tend to win with higher margins in less ideologically constrained districts. I argue that incumbents are advantaged by this electoral landscape in part because they work harder to cultivate a personal vote. Utilizing data on earmarks, I find that despite winning with a larger margin of victory, these incumbents act much like their colleagues who narrowly escaped electoral defeat. By more accurately measuring perceptions of electoral vulnerability, we also see stronger evidence linking district marginality to distributive politics. Such incentives appear to stem not from the risks of position taking, but from the weaker party attachments among constituents. 相似文献
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论人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权的分离 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
《中国法学》2019,(1)
人格权独立成编是我国民法典体例的重大创新,在独立成编的人格权法中是否应当规定人格权请求权,以及如何规定人格权请求权,是我国人格权立法需要解决的重大疑难问题。笔者认为,人格权请求权的独立性是其与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离的基础,人格权请求权的产生与发展是人格权制度重要的发展趋势;人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权的区别是其二者分离的原因;充分有效保护人格权是人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离的目的。笔者并对民法典草案中有关人格权请求权与侵权损害赔偿请求权分离模式的立法选择作出了探讨。 相似文献
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诉权法理研究论纲 总被引:14,自引:0,他引:14
诉权被无故侵犯常见于报端,人们早已习以为常;而对诉权的研究则相当薄弱,学界通行的诉权定义存在不周延之处。诉权就是请求法律救济的权利,是启动与延续诉讼的权利。它是一项与诉讼权利、应诉权、公诉权有别的权利。诉权的形式有民事诉权、行政诉权、刑事诉权和宪法诉权。诉权的内容有起诉权、上诉权、反诉权、申请再审权以及申请宪法解释权和刑事自诉权等等。在法治社会,诉权是高于实在法的道德权利,是一项基本人权。在社会进化过程中,诉权实质内容不断丰富,诉权形式逐渐多样化,诉权主体走向普及,人们在诉权面前实现了平等,随之诉权地位也从习惯的权利上升为宪法的权利与基本人权。诉权的结构可以从诉权的主体、诉权的对象、诉权的义务人三方的关系中去认识。这一特殊的三角结构使诉权产生了不同于其他权利的特殊的社会功能:保障权利、控制权力、和平解决社会纠纷。 相似文献
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"民以食为天",食物权是国际人权法中的适当生活水准权的一部分,是独立社会基本权.我国法律体系中没有明确的食物权的规定,而且对与食物权相关权利的保护也有疏漏.加强对食物权的保护,应当将食物权八宪并完善食物权保障措施.食物权的有效保障是社会稳定与和谐的基础. 相似文献