充分认识全面深化改革的整体性、系统性、协同性

<正>改革的方法论取决于改革的总目标——完善和发展中国特色社会主义制度,推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化。这一总体目标为改革指明了方向。在中国特色社会主义制度的完善和发展以及国家治理体系的形成与现代化治理能力提升的过程中,制度的完善与发展、体系的形成及能力的建设与提升都需要改革能在社会结构转型过程中,调整经济、政治、文化、社会、生态之间的关系,使之与总目标相契合。因此,改革的总目标实质上也是改革方法论的背     

县域环境与发展综合决策机制的创新路径——生态文明视角下

近年来,资源约束、环境约束、生态恶化与县域经济可持续发展之间的矛盾越来越突出。党的十八届三中全会再次强调了深化生态文明体制改革,加快生态文明制度建设,推进形成人与自然和谐发展现代化建设新格局的目标和任务。然而,环境与发展综合决策作为县级政府开展环境保护的重要任务和协调县域生态文明建设与县域经济、政治、文化、社会建设的桥梁和纽带,其机制上的障碍与弊端日益凸显,这就使综合决策的实施面临严峻的挑战和考验。为此,需要依据生态文明理念和要求,不断优化决策的形成机制,规范决策的执行机制,完善决策的监督机制,从而促进我国县域环境与发展综合决策的有效实施,推动县域宏观环境管理和生态文明建设目标的最终实现。     

生态文明与社会和谐——兼论和谐广西建设

生态文明的建设过程本身也就是促进社会和谐发展的过程。和谐社会与生态文明建设必然是同步的,和谐社会的建立必须以生态文明发展为前提。因此,和谐广西的建设需要在生态文明的基本理念指导下．在建设生态文明广西的基础上不断加以推进。     

新时期中国共产党的生态政治观

生态政治观是特定社会历史条件下的阶级、政党、社会集团以及公民对生态政治问题所持的根本观点和根本态度。改革开放新时期,中国共产党在实践过程中形成的中国特色社会主义生态政治观,其主要内容是统筹人与自然和谐发展,建设社会主义生态文明,构建资源节约型、环境友好型社会,实现全面、协调、可持续发展。这种马克思主义生态政治观的产生及发展受制于全球化、我国环境现状、执政能力建设、构建和谐社会以及党的理论创新等五个方面的因素影响。     

中国特色社会主义生态文明建设的实现路径

党的十八大将生态文明建设与政治建设、经济建设、文化建设、社会建设并列,形成了五位一体总体布局。在党的十八大报告关于生态文明建设的基础上,阐释了中国特色社会主义生态文明建设的科学内涵,回顾了中国特色社会主义生态文明建设的历史形成,最后从加强教育、完善制度和倡导绿色行为方式三个路径提出建议。     

我国生态文明建设的困境对社会治理的影响

生态文明既是人类文明进步发展的新样态,同时又与物质文明、政治文明、精神文明共同构成文明的基本要素。改革开放以来,我国生态文明建设在理论和实践方面都取得了一定进展,但是仍然存在着生态资源管理不当、环境治理地区性差异等问题。生态文明的困境会引发环境事件、政府认同危机与国际政治冲突。因此,为减小消极影响、扩大积极影响,需要发挥各级政府、社会团体和社会舆论的综合性力量,推动中国生态文明建设与社会治理齐头并进,取得新突破。     

社会资本视角下的生态文明建设路径

作为晚近兴起的政治社会学概念,社会资本的分析框架为当前我国的社会主义生态文明建设提供了一个全新的研究视角。通过分析,发现社会资本与生态文明建设之间存在一定关联,社会资本的存量构成了生态文明建设的重要资源。然而,当前我国的社会资本发育还很不成熟,因此,在生态文明建设过程中,必须壮大社会资本,包括加强对各社会主体的生态价值观教育,完善生态管理体制和培育民意环保组织,努力增进政府同企业、公民之间的良好沟通和合作,实现生态文明建设管理模式上的善治转变。     

三重理论视野下的生态文明建设示范区研究

生态文明建设试点或示范区的哲学实质,是尝试改进或重构人类社会不同层面或维度上的人与自然关系、社会与自然关系.依此,对我国生态文明建设试点或示范区的理论思考,可细分为三个值得或需要追问的理论性问题或维度:一是“五位一体”或“五要素统合”的机理与机制,可简称之为“管理哲学或战略维度”,即生态文明建设的健康顺利进行,究竟需要什么样的主客体关系、体制制度构架和经济政治与社会动力机制;二是省市县三级行政层面的更有效推动及其机理与机制,可简称之为“空间维度”,即生态文明建设的健康顺利进行,在哪一个行政层面上是更容易实施和取得成效的;三是生态文明建设的社会主义性质或方向,可简称之为“政治向度”,即生态文明建设的健康顺利进行,是否及在何种意义上意味着社会主义的政治愿景与现实.     

生态文明构建的现实思考——以生态文明理论为视角

生态文明是马克思主义生态观中国化的重要理论成果,是人类对如何实现与自然和谐发展做出的新结论。在构建社会主义生态文明进程中平衡和处理好生态建设与经济、政治、社会、文化建设之间的辩证关系;探索和建立既具有普遍指导性又考虑到区域特殊性的生态文明建设制度;正确把握生态文明的内在发展性与和谐性的本质特征将是今后生态文明建设重点关注的议题。     

新时期社会生态管理与社会管理生态化建构——生态文明建设融入社会管理的机制

立足当代中国社会现实,生态文明融入社会管理不仅契合了后者创新的要求,还具备了政治、经济社会、文化诸种条件。具体来说,这一融入的具体机制包括两个方面:一是超越传统社会管理,拓展管理领域,建构起社会生态管理场域;二是以生态文明为思想主线,以社会政策体系的协调为主要方式,实现社会政策制定与执行的双重生态化,建构起内和谐的社会管理体系。从而在标与本两个维度,推进并完成生态文明融入社会管理的崭新任务,实现绿色发展。     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

The persecution of German Romanies: the case of Osnabrück, 1933–46

Studies of racial persecution in Germany, particularly during the Nazi period, now appear on almost a daily basis, so that every victimized minority has received attention. Antisemitism remains the main focus of research but the Romanies have now begun to attract scholars. While historians have studied Jews in virtually every location and over short time periods, they have tended to examine the situation of the Romanies at the national level using a longer time frame, recognizing the continuities of racial persecution that link the Nazi years with the rest of the twentieth century. Panayi brings out these longer-term patterns by focusing on the case of Osnabrück. He begins with an account of the historiography of Romanies at both the local and national level, and contrasts this with the general attention that German history of the first half of the twentieth century, especially the Third Reich, has received. The narrative then moves on to use the limited information available on the Osnabrück Romanies to carry out a detailed examination of the realities of their everyday life and the attitudes of the authorities towards them in the town between 1933 and 1946. Panayi’s study falls into the German social history approach of Alltagsgeschichte, which uses the specific to draw out the realities of the general national picture.     

How the Bush and Gore Campaigns Conceptualized and Used the Internet in 2000

Abstract

Political scientists and campaign professionals have been intrigued by the potential of the Internet as a tool for accessing and conveying political information since the mass marketing of the first Web browser in 1993. Optimists have pointed to the possibility for more expansive participation and more substantive, in-depth issue discussions. Pessimists have countered that universal access to the Internet is still years down the road, pointing out there is little reason to believe campaigns will use the Internet either to spice up or to elevate the national political conversation. Such long-term assessments are premature, but we can offer preliminary assessments of how candidates conceptualize and use the Internet. Relying on surveys of online registered voters and interviews with campaign operatives and Webmasters, I examine how the online electorate was perceived and approached by the Bush and Gore campaigns in 2000.1 find that (1) voters were unlikely to seek political information from candidate or party Web sites, (2) voters were skeptical of information presented on these sites, and (3) the campaigns understood this and therefore saw the Internet primarily as a vehicle for internal communication and grassroots activation.     

This other and other others

This paper offers an alternative understanding of the relationship between feminist ethics, time and otherness. Rather than suggesting a feminist ethics should simply be for ‘the other’, or that feminist ethics is always futural (dedicated to that which is not yet), the paper suggests that ethics involves responding to the particular other in a present that carries traces of the past, as well as opening up the future. It is through responding to particular others (where particularity is not understood as a characteristic of another, but as a mode of encounter) that we face and face up to ‘other others’. The relationship between ‘this other’ and ‘other others’ suggests an intimacy between the particular and the collective, between the face-to-face of an encounter and political economies, and between feminist ethics and politics. Indeed, the paper concludes by suggesting that the ethical and political imperatives of feminism are aligned precisely given that collectivity is an effect of the work that has to be done to get closer to this other and, with her, other others. This other and other others collect together in the making of a feminist ‘we’. Such a ‘we’ can be embraced only through a willingness to struggle with and for others who are faced in the present (a facing that is indebted to a past that cannot be left behind), and an openness to the future, as the promise and hope of what we might yet become.     

Recent interpretations of ideology

The ‘emergence’ of the ‘market’ as the basis of economic and political decision-making has become a main focus of debate within the social sciences since the late 1970s. Even while those opposing the growing centrality of neo-classical economics and market-oriented political discourses remain a significant academic constituency, within their ranks there has been a growing realization that regulatory mechanisms, and in particular the role of the state, have nevertheless been the subject of extensive changes. Alternative schools of thought have argued in terms of the way in which such mechanisms have been refashioned. Regulation has become, in the words of Regini and Majone, ‘transferred’ and the ‘boundaries’ between regulator and regulated ‘changed’: the regulatory process has been seen to shift at the macro/national level and at the micro/enterprise level. While supporting the general argument that it is the boundaries of regulation which are to be discussed, not its presence, we shall nevertheless argue that these changes are, if anything, more contentious and that a set of ironies emerges which politicize regulation even further.