论网络反腐信息传输渠道的构建

网络反腐信息传输渠道已经成为影响网络反腐效能有效发挥的重要因素之一。目前,我国网络反腐信息传输渠道仍存在传输渠道技术缺乏整合、民间网络反腐信息传输渠道有待规范、政府与民间两类网络反腐信息传输渠道互动性有待增强等问题。因此,要构建以网络反腐信息输入、处理、输出及反馈为主要环节,以反腐信息HBU系统为核心,兼具开放可循环特征的反腐信息传输渠道,采取信息分级、加强政府—民间网络反腐信息传输渠道的对接与信息反馈等具体措施,为进一步完善网络反腐渠道,提升网络反腐水平提供理论支持与实践参考。     

网络监督、预防腐败以及政府应对

互联网的普及,民众民主意识觉醒,腐败屡禁不止和反腐机制不健全以及民意表达渠道的不畅,极大促成了网络监督的勃兴。但是,可操纵性和欺骗性、非理性和情绪性、极端自由性,以及网络监督的民意背离性、新闻性和时效性都是值得警惕的问题。反腐机关应当依法规范网络监督;建立网络信息快速反应机制,抢占舆论主动权;主动求变,建立政府引导的网络监督模式,实现政府与网民的良性互动;适应新技术的发展,在计算机与网络技术上占得先机。     

当前我国网络反腐中存在的问题及对策探析

网络反腐,在"信息化时代"是一种有效的反腐工具。与传统的反腐模式相比,网络反腐具有主体多元化,结构扁平化,监督主体化等特征。但当前网络反腐在实施过程中也存在诋毁、敲诈勒索、侵犯他人权利等问题,因此,必须加强在新形势下对网络反腐工作的分析研究,积极探索更为有利的反腐策略。使网络反腐成为国家反腐的有效组成部分,更好地发挥网络反腐的正能量,促进我国反腐工作进一步发展。     

网络反腐的法治考量

网络反腐反映了广大百姓的政治诉求,形成了较强的反腐威力,并逐步成为国家反腐机关的反腐行动路径之一。但缺乏制度规范的网络反腐,在促进反腐败斗争的同时,也可能侵犯公民的隐私权及其他合法权益,影响社会稳定;也可能与网下反腐脱节,影响反腐成效。因此,必须加强网络反腐的法治化进程,用制度来保障公民网络监督权的实现和参与政治生活渠道的畅通,大力贯彻落实政府信息公开制度,要不断完善网络信息收集、处理及反馈机制,正确引导舆论,最终促进网络反腐的有效、有序发展。     

当前我国民间反腐网站及其有序发展的思考

网络技术具有实现公民参与反腐败斗争的潜能。当前中国民间反腐网站的出现,正是社会力量开始运用这一反腐败工具的体现。但这一新生事物尚处于萌芽阶段,其规范性与有效性还存有一些问题。民间自下而上的监督最终只有与官方自上而下的监督紧密结合,才能发挥真正的效力。民间网络反腐的实际效果很大程度上取决于执政党、国家机关及其工作人员政治输出,即对公民参与反腐败斗争坚定、持续的支持。为使我国民间反腐网站有序发展,应从以下方面着手：法治是民间网络反腐有序发展的重要保证;网站实名制是规范民间网站反腐行为的正确途径;积极开展官民合作网络反腐的制度化探索;为民间反腐网站发挥预警功能创造条件;推动民间反腐网站的专业化、学术化、国际化建设。     

网络反腐的行动类型、过程及实现机制

从公民行动的角度对网络反腐的内涵进行界定更能凸显网络反腐的实质。根据公民行动的方式、行动所指涉的对象、行动过程,网络反腐可以划分为腐败告知型、腐败挖掘型、集体动员型。三种类型的网络反腐行动中,公民从"围观"到"挖掘"到"抗争",显示了互联网时代草根力量的崛起。公共舆论的生成、倒逼、草根动员是网络反腐的行动机制。在未来反腐倡廉建设中,从廉政政策的制定、廉政制度的革新、腐败治理的议题等开放渠道,让草根权力在现实的腐败治理中有效地参与,是化解网络反腐舆情日益高涨的根本。     

网络反腐:兴起缘由、价值解读与风险防范

网络反腐是新媒体兴起背景下开展反腐败斗争需要深入探讨的一个重大理论和实践命题.网络反腐起因于传统反腐方武的局限.网络反腐的核心价值在于提升了社会监督的整体效能,为反腐倡廉注入了科学化元素.目前,网络反腐本身还面临着道德和法律的双重困境,其功能作用也是有限的.网络反腐的发展方向是融入到中国特色反腐倡廉体系之中,而不是游离其外.只有以科学理性的态度引导和规范网络反腐,才能使其健康发展.     

制约我国网络反腐的瓶颈与对策

网络反腐是整个社会以互联网为载体，以电子政务和网络投诉监督为平台，并且与制度反腐相结合共同促使执政党组织和国家机关及其工作人员遵循廉政法律规范，从而达到遏制腐败的一种方法和手段。当前制约网络反腐发展的因素还很多：从反腐主体角度思考，网民自身存在一定的局限性，     

谨防严肃的反腐变成网络狂欢

正网络反腐在表现出速度快、传播面广和打击力强等特点的同时,也暴露出了"威"内存"媚"的现象近年来,由于网络的兴起和普及,民间反腐的门槛正变得越来越低,民众网络反腐的参与意识和参与能力也前所未有地增强起来,进入了一个"人人都有麦克风"的时代。毋庸置疑,网络反腐在让民众多了一种反腐途径的同时,也使政府多了一个权力监督的平台,彰显了极大的社会影响力。但值得警惕的是,网络反腐在表现出速度快、传播面广和打击力强等     

网络反腐倒逼反腐制度创新

互联网技术的迅猛发展促成了网络反腐的勃兴,网络也日益成为监督政府反对腐败的重要手段,改变着中国的民主政治生态,通过网络媒体曝光的一些腐败事件正在拷问制度反腐的底线。一、网络反腐是制度反腐的倒逼动力为改变滋生腐败的宏观制度环境和结构,党和政府制定了一系列法律法规,进一步加强了"国法"和"党纪"两个方面的制度体系建设。但     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.