Does Rawls Support the Procedural Republic? A Critical Response to Sandel's Democracy's Discontent

In Michael Sandel's latest book entitled Democracy's Discontent (1996), he argues that the prevailing public philosophy (what he calls the procedural republic) that informs America's institutions undermines self-government and a sense of community. Does John Rawls support the procedural republic? Contrary to what Sandel contends, I argue that it is not fair to label Rawls as a leading proponent of the procedural republic. Rawls's egalitarian liberalism does not endorse the public philosophy that has informed American Constitutional Law and the political economy for the past half a century.     

How to argue about the new public management

Hood and Jackson's (1991) distinction between administrative argument and administrative philosophy has been largely overlooked in writings on NPM. This seemingly subtle distinction flows from the more obvious one between “practical argument” and “social scientific explanation.” These terms refer to different scholarly practices. Practical reasoning is a highly-developed form of scholarship in law, public policy, and political theory. Explanation is a highly-developed scholarly activity in political science and related disciplines. The fact that practical argument and explanation are, in principle, complementary scholarly activities in practically-oriented fields such as public management is not a reason to overlook the distinction between them. If scholars writing on NPM made more of this distinction, it might prove easier for their readers to see precisely how social science explanations and practical arguments are interrelated. Discussion of how well claims have been supported would then be facilitated. Also, it would be easier for writers to decide how to engage the NPM literature. Not only would the issues be clearer, but it would also be easier to discuss the merits of alternative approaches to tackling them. If more weight is given to the distinction between practical argumentation and social scientific research by scholars of NPM, an urgent question is: how should the scholarly practice of practical argumentation be characterized?     

Waller R. Newell: <Emphasis Type="Italic">Tyrants: A History of Power,Injustice, and Terror</Emphasis>

Newell offers a typology of tyrants: the profit-and-pleasure-seeking “garden variety”; the would-be “reformers”; and the genocidal “millenarians.” Ranging widely across the globe and through the centuries, he provides a link between political philosophy and tyrannical practice that is often missing in the scholarly literature.     

Hegel's Plato: The Owl of Minerva and a Fading Political Tradition

The strengths and weaknesses of Hegel's interpretation of Plato's political philosophy are shown to derive from Hegel's own philosophical premisses, namely the progressive, historical development of freedom and the dependence of political philosophy upon an actual political tradition. Hegel's historicism is seen as enabling him to recognize the Republic 's reflection of traditional practice in the priority it assigns to the ideals of social harmony and community. The innovative radicalism and artistic suggestiveness of the Republic , however, are denied in Hegel's interpretation of it as a systematic reconstruction of a fading political tradition. This critical analysis of Hegel's Plato both evaluates Plato's political philosophy and assesses the explanatory power of Hegel's system.     

Idealism,realism, and immigration: David Miller’s Strangers in Our Midst

David Miller’s Strangers in Our Midst is an important contribution to the debate among political philosophers about how liberal democratic states should deal with the issue of migration. But it is also a thoughtful statement concerning how best to do political philosophy and, as such, contributes also to the growing debate within Anglo-American political theory about the relative merits of ‘ideal’ versus ‘non-ideal’ normative theorising. Miller’s argument in the book builds on his earlier published work in suggesting that political philosophy should be ‘for Earthlings’: it should not be understood as a process of ideal theorising which ignores political reality. He argues that normative theorists should seek to resolve complex political problems by taking seriously the political context that makes these problems complex, rather than putting aside that context in the interests of deriving first principles. This is a controversial approach, which requires political philosophers to take more seriously than they often do the expressed concerns of citizens living in democratic states and the practical problems associated with applying normative principles in ways which actually help address the issue at hand. This piece discusses some of these themes, and the issue of migration more generally, in order to help frame the debate which follows.     

Political Accountability in Hong Kong: Myth or Reality?

This article assesses the practice of political accountability in Hong Kong: whether it has largely been realised in practice, or whether it is merely a political slogan for the government to justify its executive-led governance. The analysis begins with a review of the theoretical concepts of political accountability and ministerial accountability, and then establishes an operational framework to analyse the current practice of political accountability in Hong Kong's political system. It concludes by addressing the degree of political accountability overall.     

The ‘dialectical’ theory of conservatism

ABSTRACT

Recently, James Alexander has proposed a ‘dialectical definition’ of conservatism which, he believes, goes beyond ‘dispositional’ definitions, such as those proposed by Brennan and Hamlin, and by Martin Beckstein, which are ‘incomplete’.¹ Alexander argues that, by focusing on conservative responses to ‘ruptures’ of continuity, his expanded account exposes the ‘fundamentally contradictory’ nature of conservative thought.² This article offers a critique of Alexander’s ‘dialectical definition’ of conservatism, highlighting its inconsistency with the ideological content long agreed by conservative political thinkers, and with the historical realities of conservative political practice. But it also shows that there is a valuable and rightful place for a political ‘dialectic’ as part of a theory of conservatism that is more consistent with the history of conservative thought and practice. It is a dialectic with many historical precedents in political theory, two of which are examined in detail: (1) the earliest, found in Plato’s Statesman; and (2) an innovative and particularly useful formulation of it to be found in the political philosophy of R. G. Collingwood.     

How practices do not matter

Abstract

In his most recent work, Sangiovanni has retreated from his stronger claims about practice-dependence. Instead of claiming that principles of justice must be practice-dependent, he now expresses his claim in a modal form, arguing that there are several ways in which practices may matter. While merely mapping out the logical space of possibilities seems to look like a modest ambition, the conditions for when practices do matter according to Sangiovanni’s analysis are easily met in actuality. Consequently, if he is right, the practice-dependent approach covers a significant number of political theories. Sangiovanni’s main claim is that higher-level principles with an open texture, which include most higher-level principles in political philosophy, justify a practice-dependent method in the form of a mode of application called ‘mediated deduction,’ according to which a thoroughgoing investigation is made of the nature of the target practice. Our task in this paper is to reject this claim. This is done in two steps. First, we question Sangiovanni’s distinction between instrumental application and mediated deduction, arguing that it remains unclear whether it marks out two sufficiently distinct ‘modes’ to do any theoretical work. Second, we argue that the practice-dependent method is not required even if two such modes are established.     

实践哲学与实践核心论

哲学经历了从理论哲学到实践哲学的发展阶段。理论哲学是脱离实践单纯从理论出发用理论方式解决哲学问题、用不同方式解释世界的哲学;实践哲学则是用实践方式解决哲学问题,不仅解释世界,更重视改变世界的哲学。实践哲学是对理论哲学的超越。马克思主义哲学是新唯物主义的实践哲学,是以唯物主义为基础的实践哲学,而不是实践首要论或实践核心论的实践哲学。用实践唯物主义表述马克思主义哲学只能导致混乱,辩证唯物主义、辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义才能更准确地体现马克思主义哲学的精神实质。     

From Virtue to Competence: Changing the Principles of Public Service

Virtue has long been a central principle in the tradition of public service—to what extent is it still relevant today? Focusing on the role of the monitoring officer, a key official in the ethical framework of local government in the United Kingdom, this essay asks which virtues, if any, are still needed for public service and whether these virtues have been displaced by managerial notions of technical competence as the principles of public service delivery. The authors draw an initial distinction between virtue and competence that, upon further investigation, does not appear to be sustainable. Despite being drawn from two different academic perspectives—moral philosophy and management development—the concepts of virtue and competence are, in practice, very similar. This theoretical convergence is reflected in the practical concerns of monitoring officers and their perspective on public service ethics.     

History and Thought in China’s Traditions

The recent turn to China??s traditions has the potential to correct for the Eurocentrism of Political Science theories. Nevertheless, the overwhelming emphasis on political thought, especially Confucianism, may have its drawbacks. This article suggests that political scientists who are interested in building theories and drawing policy implications should study the verifiable, i.e., history. Unless the purpose is to study philosophy for its own sake, political scientists should study political thought in practice, rather than political thought divorced from history. This article first discusses why it is important to examine history beyond thought. It then analyzes why scholars should not conflate political thought with historical practice. It anchors the analysis with a high-profile recent book on ancient Chinese thought.     

Difference and the Concept of the Political in Contemporary Political Philosophy

A striking feature of contemporary political philosophy is the emergence of the nature of the political itself as a central theme of discussion. There are various reasons for this development, but all of them merely reinforce the problem posed in its most stark form by postmodern theory. This is the problem of determining what concept of the political, if any, can accommodate the extreme diversity that is the main feature of contemporary western life. That is the question with which the present paper is concerned.
The three currently influential concepts of the political are analysed, after which it is suggested that a fourth concept, which is a revised and reformulated version of the classical idea of civil association, provides the basis for a concept of the political best suited to modern conditions of increasing diversity.     

中国共产党破解历史周期率难题的路径选择——从民主、法治到治理的历史演进

历史周期率是我国历史上封建王朝、封建政权摆脱不了的宿命。历代封建王朝盛极而衰、农民起义军先胜后败,一个共同的也是极其重要的原因,就是自己解决不了自己的问题。中国共产党在破解历史周期率难题的艰辛探索中,终于找到了破解这一难题的根本出路:既要靠民主,又要靠法治,还要靠治理,从而形成了“从民主、法治到治理”这样一条切实可行的政治发展路径。可以说从整体上实现了政治合法性与政治有效性两方面的有机统一。并且,这一发展路径既体现了发展的阶段性,即不同历史时期在处理合法性与有效性关系问题上侧重点的不同,同时又体现了历史的延续性,即不同发展阶段之间并非相互替代而是逐步递增的过程。而从实践维度看,则表现在新的时代背景下对执政党的执政理念也有了新的要求,那就是适应新的时代发展需要,在推进民主法治建设的同时大力突出治理的重要性,于是,提高执政党科学执政、民主执政、依法执政水平的要求便势在必行。     

Equality,value pluralism and relevance: Is luck egalitarianism in one way good,but not all things considered?

Abstract

Some luck egalitarians argue that justice is just one value among others and is thus not necessarily what we should strive for in order to make the world better. Yet, by focusing on only one dimension of what matters – luck equality – it proves very difficult to draw political implications in cases where several values are in tension. We believe that normative political philosophy must have the ambitionto guide political action. Hence, in this paper we make a negative and a positive point. Negatively, we argue that the inability to offer recommendations on what to strive for potentially weakens Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen’s account of luck egalitarianism. In order not to be irrelevant for political practice, a more serviceable version of luck egalitarianism that would allow for all-things-considered judgments is needed. Positively, we examine two possible routes toward such a view. One would be to stick to pluralism, but to discuss possible clashes and find a rule of regulation in each case. Another would consist in giving up value pluralism by identifying an over-arching value or principle that would arbitrate between different values. We suggest that Lippert-Rasmussen’s foundation of equality carries the potential for such an overarching principle.     

Entwicklungslinien der Politischen Theorie in Deutschland seit 1945

In this article we map out the development of German political theory since 1945 and locate it within the international context. For this purpose we track concepts which were central in shaping the scholarly controversies within the field. We distinguish between organizational concepts (democracy, state, power, system, institution), normative ideas (justice, common welfare, recognition) and new themes (gender, discourse, globalization). The resulting picture of the development of political theory replaces the common idea of three phases with a decisive break at the beginning of the 1980s.     

What is Politics? Robinson Crusoe, Deep Ecology and Immanuel Kant

This article considers the nature of politics. Robinson Crusoe is used to show that even the broadest understanding of politics found in the literature is inadequate, for the situation of Crusoe on his island is a political situation even though he is completely alone. An analogy is drawn between the deep ecological understanding of politics and the moral philosophy of Immanuel Kant. For Kantian ethics, also, is built on the idea of a solitary individual who is at least existentially isolated. It is concluded that what makes any situation political is the fact that in it some policy is required.     

Rorty's Poetic Politics

In reading Rorty as political theorists we must separate his critique of epistemology from his advocacy of a new style of philosophy. If we concentrate on the detail and presuppositions of the latter, we will find insufficient reason to grant that his political project is coherent or that it derives any support from his attack on 'Enlightenment' philosophy. We will see that historicist accounts can never reasonably compel belief; that no-one (save the epistemologist manque craving a role) could accept that there is a compelling social need for poetic and literary exclamations; and that great men cannot be allowed to set our political agenda.     

对马克思唯物史观解释框架的再认识——兼论文化的源泉和基础地位

长期以来,马克思唯物史观的公式化解释框架表述为:生产力→生产关系(经济基础)→政治上层建筑→思想文化上层建筑的线性决定和反作用关系。其中,文化只是被决定者。这种生产力决定论其实是传统哲学(传统唯物主义和传统唯心主义)制造抽象理论元基点的形而上学理论方式。按照马克思终结传统形而上学、确立社会历史实践本体论的哲学变革理路,可以把唯物史观的解释框架理解为……生产力→生产关系(经济基础)→政治上层建筑→思想文化上层建筑→生产力……的循环。其中,文化又构成了生产力、经济和政治的源泉和基础。我们需要确立社会历史实践整体观,在中国的经济体制改革取得成功后,确立推进社会主义文化大发展大繁荣的文化自觉,为进一步的生产力提升、经济发展、政治建设和社会进步,充实文化上的源泉和基础。     

Norms, Procedures, and Democratic Legitimacy

The overall thrust of the argument points in two opposite directions: it pleads for dimming the contrast commonly drawn between political philosophy and political science but calls for a more radical distinction between the activities of politics and of philosophy, and between its rationality and that of political mediation. Within the first strand of the argument, the fact-value problem is re-examined, whilst within the second strand - the central theme of the article - the operatively legitimizing source of political norms is viewed within a procedural locale that is recognizably democratic, in that its validation is a matter of opinion, of appraisal and reappraisal in and through civic activity itself, and not directly the work of extra-political doctrines that substantively predetermine it. Although not thus preconditioned, procedural democracy is portrayed as being governed by a cognitive and institutional 'space'in which the'conversion'of doctrinal'isms'issues in'performative principles, rather than a regime of pragmatic ad hocism .     

Tocqueville on Mores and the Preservation of Republics

The chapter Tocqueville originally intended as a conclusion for the Democracy in America of 1835 is devoted to the causes that maintain a democratic republic. His main findings concern the political role of "mores." Conducting an implicit dialogue with Montesquieu and working from evidence available to no previous student of democracy, Tocqueville finds commercialism less supportive of democracy and mores (especially those connected with religion) more useful to democracy than his great predecessor had believed. Moreover, he draws attention to a "practical" form of "enlightenment" seen in the broad public internalization of democratic practice and norms. These discoveries did not lead to confident predictions about the republic's future, largely because much of what is useful in mores seems beyond direct political control. They did inspire his argument that modern democrats are best advised to make use of, rather than repudiate, the inherited mores. These mores, if adapted to new conditions, may help to support effective democratic practice.