工人和知识分子的再发现:阿拉斯戴尔·麦金太尔早期的社会主义革命观

阿拉斯戴尔·麦金太尔在早期是一名马克思主义知识分子,拥有激进的阶级革命立场。尽管当时英国社会主义面临工人革命性丧失、政党迷失、革命理论缺乏的困境,但麦金太尔分别从工人阶级联合、革命领导组织的建立和马克思主义理论本身的生命力出发,对英国未来的阶级革命之路进行论证。同时他还提出知识分子应当打破理性枷锁,肩负应有的责任,摆脱迫于现实的功利性,为社会主义革命的发展创造新的理论道路。     

Social Policy and Social Citizenship: Britain's Welfare States

In Britain the imagery and rhetoric of the postwar welfare stateremain powerful—citizens should have equal access to publicservices based on need not place of residence. Devolution issometimes depicted as a threat to this tradition. This articleshows that the immediate risk of a social policy race to thebottom is small. Moreover, because of the peculiarities of Britishterritorial politics the traditional imagery was never borneout in practice; the article traces policy variation beforeand after devolution. Finally, locating British social policywithin the comparative framework of "nationalization" and "citizenship,"I argue that Britain lost its status as an exemplary welfarestate partly because it failed to provide an adequate territorialframework for the development of social policy.     

Mobilising against Globalisation: Attac and the French Intellectuals

Contemporary France has witnessed the rise of an anti-globalisation movement that has mobilised with considerable intensity and force on a national and international stage. This article examines the role of Attac, the leading French organisation against neo-liberal globalisation, focusing on its impact within mainstream political life. Attac has been characterised by unparalleled success within formal politics, gaining access to key institutions of government and developing alliances with parties on both the Left and Right. It will be argued here that the political success of Attac is linked to the place of intellectual elites within it, who hold positions of power and influence within political, university and media circles. This is an organisation in which intellectuals play a pre-eminent role, placing their own knowledge and expertise at the service of a political cause.     

To Russia and back again: Intellectuals in postwar France

Political Traditions in Modern France. By SUDHIR HAZAREESINGH. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. Pp.viii+355, £35 (hardback); £12.95 (paperback) ISBN 0–19–878074–5 and 0–19–878075–2.

Past Imperfect: French Intellectuals, 1944–1956. By TONY JUDT. Berkeley/ Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1992. Pp.348. £24. ISBN 0–520–0792.

Arguing Revolution: The Intellectual Left in Postwar France. By SUNIL KHILNANI. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993. Pp.viii+262. £19.95 (hardback), ISBN 0–300–05745–8.

Seducing the French: The Dilemma of Americanization. By RICHARD KUISEL. Berkeley/Los Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1993. Pp.xiii+296. £20. ISBN 0–520–07962–0.

Extrême‐Occident: French Intellectuals and America. By JEAN‐PHILIPPE MATHY. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Pp.307, £13.50. ISBN 0–226–51064–6.

Face au scepticisme: Les Mutations du paysage intellectuel ou l'invention de I'intellectuel democratique. By OLIVIER MONGIN. Paris: Editions La Décou‐verte, 1994. Pp.400. FF180 (paperback). ISBN 9–782707–12308–4.

La Tribu des clercs: Les intellectuels sous la Ve République. By RÉMY RIEFFEL. Paris: Calmann‐Lévy, 1993. Pp.691. FF250 (paperback), ISBN 2–7021–2276–0.     

Changing Lives and Minds: Progress,Strategy, and Universal Basic Income

This article argues that demands and movements for universal basic income (UBI) are important components of a "transitional program," comprised of transitional demands, suitable for the twenty-first century. Transitional demands do two things: (1) they genuinely improve the lives of working people (and of the poor and otherwise oppressed peoples) in the short-term; and (2) they operate rhetorically and ideologically to convince people that the movements that achieve such a transitional demand can actually accomplish what they set out to do, thus hastening the development of a more comprehensive societal metamorphosis. Furthermore, this article focuses on the relationship between material progress and ideological rupture central to the radical theoretical justification for transitional demands and the transitional program, in the process of exploring the limitations of various contemporary (primarily left) criticisms of UBI."     

The 'Advance Without Authority': Post-modernism, Libertarian Socialism, and Intellectuals

The eclipse of socialist statism and the advent of post-modernism have generated important questions about the role and future of left intellectuals, political organisation and theory. Socialist statism's vanguardism, elitism, scientism and substitutionism have been thoroughly discredited. The advent of post-modernism is one signal of this. The post-modern rejection of universalism, its critique of representation and its emphasis on situatedness provide a challenge to emancipatory thought. However, post-modernism's suspension of judgement, relativism and—most importantly—rejection of universalism is not a coherent emancipatory alternative. A more fruitful way of answering questions about intellectuals and political organisation is to examine the broad libertarian socialist tradition. At various times, thinkers within this political field have managed to steer a path between vanguardism and revolutionary waiting, between scientism and theoretical randomisation, advancing without authority to organise and theorise towards a radically democratic social order beyond state and capital.     

The Credibility Factor in Elections: Evidence from Britain's Nationwide Building Society's Vote Against Conversion

Public Choice - Why did members of Nationwide Building Society vote against converting to a bank and, by doing so,turn down a £ 2,000 windfall each? The findings of a survey of Nationwide...     

Disputed Ownership: Parties,Issues, and Traits in the Minds of Voters

Is party “ownership” of issues and traits manifest in the minds of voters in ways that could generate the oft-hypothesized implications for mass and elite electoral behavior? We specify two ways in which it may be: party reputations refer to the association of a trait or issue with a party; candidate stereotyping requires that party labels prompt differential assignment of attributes or competencies to candidates. We develop a quantitative measure of both ownership types, and apply it to issues and traits. New national survey data provide the first evidence that party reputation ownership exists for issues and traits. New experimental tests reveal evidence of candidate stereotyping for issues, but not traits. Voters associate some traits more with one party, but may not assign them to candidates based upon party label, demonstrating a key difference in the nature and likely implications of issue and trait ownership.