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1.
Zaijun Yuan 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(4):389-405
In the Chinese political system, according to the constitution, the people’s congresses at the primary level are the only
institution which the voters can directly elect. However, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) tightly controls the “direct elections”
and takes every measure in the elections to prevent grassroots power from entering even the primary-level people’s congresses.
In recent years, grassroots power has kept struggling for its legal rights in the “direct elections” held in a few localities.
The conflicts between the grassroots power and the authoritarian party in the “direct elections” have become an interesting
political phenomenon, a subject deserves close observation and research. This paper studies the background of the independent
candidates, their motivations and behaviour in elections. The paper also examines the party’s control in the elections and
thus exposes the true nature of China’s people’s congress “direct” elections. The paper argues that independent candidates
can have little impacts on China’s political structure at the current stage because of the party’s tight control, but their
political participation has the most democratic value, compared with the “reforms” instigated and carried out by the CCP. 相似文献
2.
Elected leaders and collective land: Farmers’ evaluation of village leaders’ performance in rural China 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Previous studies on village elections have focused on the election process, but few have examined post-election outcomes related
to local land management systems. Land is the most important resource in Chinese villages, but land management and reallocation
are the chief responsibility for elected village leaders. Previous studies show that villager attitudes toward the “fairness”
of land reallocations and the type of village elections vary across villages. Some villages have an open election/nomination
process while other villages have “closed” or unfair elections. We found that openly elected leaders are more accountable
to villagers and that their land management decisions do reflect villager preferences for “fair” land reallocation. Our findings
are based on a 2000–2001 survey of 34 villages in rural Shaanxi province.
Rozelle is also a member of the Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics.
We acknowledge the finical support of the Fulbright Fellowship and the University of California, Pacific Rim Research Fellowship.
We want to thank the three anonymous reviews as well as Kevin O’Brien and Li Lianjiang for their comments and suggestions.
In addition, we want to thank our friends and colleagues at Northwest University, Xian for all their help, collaboration and
support. This paper was first presented in Chinese at the “Contemporary Rural Chinese Social Life” conference held at Hong
Kong Polytechnic University November 21st and 22nd 2002. 相似文献
3.
This paper first examines the frequency of direct presidential elections among the 170 countries of the world with a working, directly elected parliament. We find that there is a directly elected president in more than half of the countries and in about two-thirds of the republics. Former British colonies are less likely to hold direct presidential elections, which are otherwise very popular in North and South America and Africa. We then examine the kind of electoral formula that is used for the election of presidents. Most elections are held under the majority rule, most of the time under the majority runoff procedure. The majority rule is clearly predominant in Europe and Africa, and is unpopular in North America. Finally, no relationship is observed between the level of economic development or of democracy and the use of direct presidential elections or the choice of an electoral formula. 相似文献
4.
Yang Zhong 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(4):335-342
This article attempts to discuss the debate about “indigenizing political science in China” from the logic of comparative
politics. The author believes that the phrase “indigenizing political science in China” is misleading at best and destructive
to political science development in China at worst. The logic of comparative politics is the same as other comparative social
sciences: namely, it is the process of replacing proper names and treating tempo and spatial factors as potential variables
contributing to the explanation of political phenomena. As social scientists, we should not be content in using “local Chinese
conditions” or “special Chinese cultural factors” to explain political behavior and phenomena in China. Instead, we should
decompose the “special Chinese conditions” and “cultural factors” for the deeper meaning of these conditions and factors so
that we can conceptualize and elevate these conditions and factors to a theoretical level. In short, the author favors making
political science study in China more scientific and argues that the future of political science studies in China lies in
replacing the proper name “China” or “Chinese”. 相似文献
5.
Romain Lachat 《Political Behavior》2011,33(4):645-663
This article suggests that voters rely more strongly on “substantial” criteria, such as issues and ideology, when elections
are competitive. In such contexts, voters should attach more importance to their own choice and rely less on “heuristics.”
Three aspects of election competitiveness are considered: the fragmentation and polarization of the party system and the proportionality
of the electoral system. Elections are more competitive when there are many parties in competition, when they differ strongly
from one another in ideological terms, and when the threshold of representation is lower. These hypotheses are tested with
data from the 2007 Swiss federal elections. The electoral districts differ markedly from one another as far as electoral competitiveness
is concerned while being similar in many other respects. The results show that competitiveness strengthens issue voting and
reduces the impact of party identification. 相似文献
6.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献
7.
We present a unified model of turnout and vote choice that incorporates two distinct motivations for citizens to abstain from voting: alienation from the candidates, and indifference between the candidates. Empirically, we find that alienation and indifference each motivated significant amounts of voter abstention in the 1980–1988 U.S. presidential elections. Using model-based computer simulations—which permit us to manipulate factors affecting turnout—we show that distinguishing between alienation and indifference illuminates three controversies in elections research. First, we find that abstention because of either alienation or indifference benefited Republican candidates, but only very modestly. Second, presidential elections involving attractive candidates motivate higher turnout, but only to the extent that abstention stems from alienation rather than from indifference. Third, paradoxically, citizens’ individual-level tendencies to abstain because of alienation are strongly affected by their evaluations of the candidates’ policies, whereas aggregate turnout rates do not depend significantly on the candidates’ policy platforms. 相似文献
8.
Second-order elections 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Abstract The composition of the directly elected European Parliament does not precisely reflect the 'real' balance of political forces in the European Community. As long as the national political systems decide most of what there is to be decided politically, and everything really important, European elections are additional national second-order elections. They are determined more by the domestic political cleavages than by alternatives originating in the EC, but in a different way than if nine first-order national elections took place simultaneously. This is the case because European elections occur at different stages of the national political systems' respective 'electoral cycles'. Such a relationship between a second-order arena and the chief arena of a political system is not at all unusual. What is new here, is that one second-order political arena is related to nine different first-order arenas. A first analysis of European election results satisfactorily justifies the assumption mat European Parliament direct elections should be treated as nine simultaneous national second-order elections. 相似文献
9.
Shareen Hertel 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(3):102-118
This article challenges key aspects of theories on norms evolution, transnational advocacy, and social movements. It demonstrates
that the “emergence” phase of the “norms life cycle” model (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998) is more internally contested than
currently interpreted. It develops two alternatives to the “boomerang” model of transnational advocacy (Keck and Sikkink 1998).
It highlights and explains differences—rather than similarities—in the framing strategies of actors involved in globalized
protests. It explores the influence of several key “microsociological factors” (Giugni 2002) on the evolution of those stragegies.
Empirically the article focuses on the World Trade Organization's Third Ministerial meeting at Seattle in 1999. It analyzes
why and how social movement actors framed different interpretations of the human rights at stake in the context of international
trade. Framing innovations may have had short-term strategic value at Seattle, but did not lead to a unified understanding
of human rights, either among activists themselves or among the government and corporate actors they sought to influence through
protest. 相似文献
10.
Sean Richey 《Political Behavior》2007,29(1):69-88
In this study I examine whether an innovative government program in Ichikawa, Japan has been successful in increasing the
level of generalized interpersonal trust in the community by rewarding civic participation by local citizens. Japan has sponsored
the development of a number of “community currency” programs at the local level that are designed to create social capital.
A community currency is a local “money” that is only useable within a neighborhood or town. In a typical community currency
program, a town rewards civic volunteers with credits to barter with other citizens, use at participating stores, or pay for
town services. These programs are specifically designed to stimulate generalized trust by rewarding civic engagement and encouraging
social interaction. I evaluate whether the new Tekona community currency program in Ichikawa, Japan has been successful in
raising levels of trust among participants, as compared to a randomly selected control group of town residents. I find that
community currency involvement increases general trust, which demonstrates that it is possible to institute government programs
that create social capital.
相似文献
Sean RicheyEmail: |
11.
Jennifer R. Wilking 《Political Behavior》2011,33(1):139-159
Elections are now a common feature of countries across regime types, yet we know little about what leads people to perceive
an election as fair, or how the democratic context shapes the ingredients of fairness judgments. While the conduct of a process
is most important for perceptions of fairness in established democracies, “procedural fairness” may not travel to non-democracies,
where economic outcomes occasionally take precedence over procedure. Additionally, individual level characteristics, such
as political engagement, may also shape how people view the fairness of elections. Using original experiments conducted in
the United States and China, I find procedural considerations are most important for fairness judgments, across democratic
contexts and largely independent of political engagement. 相似文献
12.
Karl Widerquist 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):83-103
The article discusses the conditions under which can we say that people enter the economic system voluntarily. “The Need for
an Exit Option” briefly explains the philosophical argument that voluntary interaction requires an exit option—a reasonable
alternative to participation in the projects of others. “The Treatment of Effective Forced Labor in Economic and Political Theory” considers the treatment of effectively forced interaction in economic and political theory. “Human Need” discusses theories of human need to determine the capabilities a person requires to have an acceptable exit option. “Capability in Cash, Kind, or Raw Resources” considers what form access to that level of capability should take—in cash, kind, or raw resources, concluding that a basic
income guarantee is the most effective method to ensure an exit option in a modern, industrial economy. 相似文献
13.
Benjamin Highton 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):453-471
This paper analyzes the influence of the two most commonly examined causes of presidential vote choice, policy preferences
and party identification. The focus is on change across elections in order to assess how the effects of issues and partisanship
respond to the larger political context in which voters make their decisions. In contrast to party centric views of politics,
I find little direct responsiveness to party issue contrast and substantial influence of candidate issue contrast. Further,
I find that leading hypotheses for the “resurgence in partisanship” are not consistent with some important facts suggesting
that the explanation remains elusive. 相似文献
14.
Brooke Ackerly 《Human Rights Review》2011,12(2):221-239
Despite being a seemingly straightforward moral concept (that all humans have certain rights by virtue of their humanity),
human rights is a contested concept in theory and practice. Theorists debate (among other things) the meaning of “rights,”
the priority of rights, whether collective rights are universal, the foundations of rights, and whether there are universal
human rights at all. These debates are of relatively greater interest to theorists; however, a given meaning of “human rights”
implies a corresponding theory of change and through that can be an important guide to the practice of human rights activists
and their funders. In practice, any organization can describe their work as “rights based.” This article clarifies the practices
of human rights activists and their funders that are consistent with a theory of human rights as (1) universal, (2) interdependent
across groups and categories of people, (3) indivisible across issue areas and claims, and (4) measured by the enjoyment of
rights. 相似文献
15.
Mick Green 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(1):55-71
Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights
into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular
developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship,
the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical
activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates
and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within
the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and
young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred
focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government
“steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving
of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and
young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.
相似文献
Mick GreenEmail: |
16.
Jørgen Delman 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(2):183-205
The article examines whether there is reciprocity between the legitimating effects of China’s regime at home and abroad and
how global governance and legitimacy interact in the case of China. This is done through an analysis of Chinese climate politics
and China’s engagement in international climate negotiations and governance, especially its behavior during and after the
Copenhagen Climate Summit in December 2009 and the Chinese regime’s efforts to legitimate this behavior. While China’s role
in international climate governance was disputed at the Copenhagen Summit, China contributed constructively to brokering a
deal with significant implications for a new climate governance architecture suiting China’s preferences and being aligned
with China’s core interests. China defended the procedural logic of the current global climate governance framework and managed
to contain institutional change. Based on Anthony Giddens’ proposition about “radicalism at the centre”, it is argued that
China’s national and international discourse on and actions associated with climate change and the international negotiations
about the new climate governance architecture seem to be able to reinforce each other and may well have a mutual legitimacy
augmenting effect for the ‘radicals at the centre’ of the Chinese regime, provided that they ensure consequential logic through
targeted reduction of GHG emissions and a “green transformation” of the economy. 相似文献
17.
Juan Wang 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2007,12(3):219-236
Based upon a county level analysis, this article explores the complex processes of poverty mis-targeting in China and supplements
the pre-existing literature with a bottom-up analysis. It argues that the rational calculations of key county leaders, shaped
by a combination of formal and informal institutions, determine whether a county, irrespective of poverty level, competes
for the title of “state-designated poorest county (SDPC).” This article also demonstrates that the interaction between formal
and informal institutions is dynamic and subject to change. For future relevant research, this article suggests to analyze
the practice of poverty reduction in a disaggregated manner by examining the interplay within and among different levels of
government.
Juan Wang, a Ph.D candidate in political science at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “Going beyond Township and
Village Enterprises,” Journal of Contemporary China, Issue 14, Volume 42, (February 2005), pp.171–181. The author is particularly grateful to Kellee Tsai for her valuable suggestions
and support throughout this project. I am indebted to William Rowe, Mark Blyth, Wang Sangui and anonymous reviewers for their
insightful comments. The Institute of Global Studies (IGS) of Johns Hopkins University receives my gratitude for its financial
support of this project. 相似文献
18.
Panu Minkkinen 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(2):33-51
Taking as its starting point the commonly held claim about the obscurity of the concept of sovereignty, the article first
identifies a fundamental paradox between the classical Westphalian notion of state sovereignty and human rights. In the rhetoric
of international politics, attempts to establish the responsibility of states to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms
within their jurisdictions are often countered with claims referring to the “sovereign equality” of all states and the subsequent
principle of non-intervention. The article suggests that in a more contemporary understanding of sovereignty the responsibility
of a state to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms is seen as a constituent ingredient of the state itself. The chapter
continues to elaborate how this change has come about. The classical notion of sovereignty is illustrated through a reading
of Bodin’s Six Books of the Commonwealth (1576). In Bodin’s world, sovereignty is a constitutive element of the state, and
the possibility of a multitude of sovereign entities in a global world logically denying the possibility of any “supra-national”
normative framework is still a minor consideration. This possibility is only worked out with the emergence of international
law. In both classics such as Emmerich de Vattel’s The Law of Nations (1758) and more contemporary treatises such as Lassa
Oppenheim’s International Law (1905), state sovereignty has become conditional to recognition by other sovereign states and
a subsequent membership in the “family of nations.” The conditional membership in the “family of nations” involves a contradiction:
a sovereign state must act in a “dignified” manner, it must use its sovereignty with “restraint” by respecting the human rights
and fundamental freedoms of its citizens, i.e., it must employ its sovereignty in a non-sovereign way. This restriction of
sovereignty, addressed as “ethical sovereignty,” becomes a constitutive element in a post-Westphalian state and a central
ingredient in the contemporary doctrine of humanitarian intervention. The article further criticizes the various uses (and
abuses) of “ethical sovereignty” in the regulation of “failing” and “rogue” states and concludes by identifying its general
political dangers. Finally, with reference to Jacques Derrida’s Rogues (2003), the article suggests a more radical reappraisal
of the concept of sovereignty.
It is a fact that sovereignty is a term used without any well-recognised meaning except that of supreme authority. Under these
circumstances those who do not want to interfere in a mere scholastic controversy must cling to the facts of life and the
practical, though abnormal and illogical, condition of affairs.1
—Lassa Oppenheim
But to invoke the concept of national sovereignty as in itself a decisional factor is to fall back on a word which has an
emotive quality lacking meaningful specific content. It is to substitute pride for reason.2
—Eli Lauterpacht 相似文献
19.
This article continues the line of argument and historical interpretation we offered in “The Policy Scientist of Democracy:
The Discipline of Harold D. Lasswell” by way of a response to Ronald Brunner’s “The Policy Scientist of Democracy Revisited.”
Problems regarding Lasswell’s capacious vision of the policy scientist and vagaries surrounding “democracy,” do not diminish
the importance of the questions Lasswell asked and left as his legacy to the discipline of political science. We here supply
further evidence for our historical interpretation of Lasswell and sketch what sort of “policy scientist of democracy” fits
our times and the current state of the discipline of political science. 相似文献
20.
On Introducing Proportionality in American Presidential Elections: An Historical Analysis, 1828–2008
JOSE M. PAVÍA 《The Political quarterly》2011,82(3):435-447
It is well known that the President of the United States is elected by the Electoral College and not directly by the population. Every time a candidate who does not win the most popular votes is elected President, detractors of the Electoral College call for its abolishment and supporters extol its undoubtedly merits. This article investigates what would have happened if a solution halfway between both extremes (a direct national election and the current system) had been used in historical Presidential elections; namely, a proportional rule with thresholds to assign electors in each state. This system would generate electoral colleges closer to popular will, reduce the risk of electing a minority president and impose the need of more balanced regional support to be elected, although increasing the risk of a third candidate emerging. 相似文献