Lessons from empirical research on policing in Israel: policing terrorism and police–community relationships

This article reviews recent empirical research on policing terrorism and police–community relationships in Israel, for the purpose of drawing lessons for policing in Israel and other democratic societies. The studies in the first section reveal the implications of policing terrorism for crime control and police–community relationships. In the second section, studies show a long-term drop in public support for the police. They also address the implementation of community policing, the relationship between the Israel National Police and the Arab sector, and the importance of procedural justice to Israeli citizens. In our discussion, we take a broad perspective and suggest overall conclusions and implications.     

Exploring officer views of community policing in counterterrorism

Abstract

Recently there has been increased emphasis on actionable intelligence in counterterrorism. Building from the process-based model of regulation, police chiefs and scholars generally agree that community policing has promise in this regard. Yet, it is not clear the extent to which police officers concur. Since officers are in a position to implement community policing practices, it is important to understand variants in officer-level support. Using data collected from 741 officers in three departments, this project explores officer-level views of community policing’s utility to address terrorism and more common crimes. Overall, officers view community policing as appropriate to address both common crimes and terrorism. Results suggest that department-level policy itself is not the key driver of support. Rather, an officer’s own experience with community policing and support for the practice in general determine views on community policing in counterterrorism. Results also highlight the importance of comparative research across departments.     

Transformation of Macau policing: from a Portuguese colony to China’s SAR

This study examines policing in Macau and identifies major forces that have shaped its transformation over past decades. Prior to 1999, Macau was a Portuguese colony. Its criminal justice system inherited key features of the Continental system, including two independent law enforcement agencies: the Judiciary Police and the Public Security Police. In the colonial era, expatriate commanders drawn from the military or legal professions headed both departments, while the rank-and-file was composed mainly of local Chinese. This policing mechanism, together with the ‘laissez-faire’ policing philosophy adopted by colonial leaders, created segregation between policing agencies and the community. Citizens preferred minimal interaction with police, since they were skeptical about their professionalism, capability, and reliability. Macau became part of the Peoples’ Republic of China in 1999. The de-monopolization of the gaming industries in 2002 brought huge GDP growth, but generated internal social conflict. Growing public demand for accountable governance motivated a series of governmental reforms, some of which have extended to policing. These reforms have improved the transparency of policing, but it remains to be seen if they will ultimately succeed in generating public trust in the police forces.     

Organizational Climate, Perceived Citizen Support, and Job Satisfaction of Police Officers: Findings from the Post-Grand Reform Era in South Korea

Two major police reforms were introduced in South Korea in 1991 and 1999 to help bring about a shift from a colonial style of policing to a form more prevalent in developed economies pursuing the rule of law, observance of human rights, and the practice of democratic policing. We conclude that the findings from the present study, drawing on a survey of a national sample of 406 South Korean police officers, offer modest support for the efforts of the Grand Reform in its impact on police officers?? satisfaction with promotion and salary and benefits. While few demographic characteristics, with the exception of age and years of experience, were associated with job satisfaction, there is strong evidence for the relationship between organizational characteristics and job satisfaction. Management support and perceived citizen support of police are associated with both measures of satisfaction, promotion and salary/benefits, while the police officers?? relationship with their supervisors is less than stellar. Finally, officers who believe that the primary operating philosophy of the police is to serve the government appear to be satisfied with their jobs relative to their opportunity for promotion, which is perhaps a more critical measure for them than salary and benefits, reflecting the presence of a police organizational climate that is still rooted in the historical military culture of Korean police. The findings from this study suggest that more efforts are warranted in improving organizational climate if officers are to believe their primary goal is to serve the citizen, a fundamental element of democratic policing.     

From General to Commissioner to General—On the Popular State of Policing in South Africa

Less than two decades after the end of apartheid, South Africa is witnessing a range of policy interventions that almost iconoclastically challenge the premises of democratic governance. Police military ranks have been reintroduced and an exemplary postapartheid law governing the use of lethal force has also been amended in favor of police discretion. Simultaneously, however, community policing, a benchmark for democratic policing, is being rolled out on unprecedented scale. This article argues that the seemingly contradictory mobilization of militarized policing and popular civilian institutional forms has a definite logic and captures the postcolonial condition of policing in South Africa: a populist‐oriented ANC administration has allowed practices of popular policing underwritten by a desire for a forceful state to capture the law that had previously restrained this kind of policing. The result is a violent but intimate relationship between police and people, a situation in which the law is estranged from itself and normalized into the informal realm of private policing.     

Terrorism in India as a Determinant of Terrorism in Pakistan

Terrorism in Pakistan springs from many factors such as, poverty, corruption, inequality, sham democracy, and low-level literacy; however, the effect of terrorism in India over terrorism in Pakistan remains unnoticed. This study explores the role of terrorism in India as a determinant of terrorism in Pakistan. This fangled determinant of terrorism in Pakistan forms the premise of our work. The Johansen cointegration analysis technique confirms the long-run relationship among terrorism in India and Pakistan and unemployment in Pakistan. Error correction model (ECM) resulted 55% of convergence annually. Besides, ECM verifies both short and long-run causalities. The VECM Granger and Modified Wald (MWALD) causality tests reveal that terrorism in India and unemployment in Pakistan Granger causes terrorism in Pakistan, but no reverse causality exists. The study concludes that both terrorism in India and unemployment in Pakistan results in terrorism in Pakistan. Coping with terrorism, Pakistan and India must revisit their respective roles; and simultaneously, Pakistan should address the unemployment problem—which facilitates recruitment for the terrorist organizations.     

The Commissioner cometh: The challenge for democratic policing in England and Wales

Public policing in England and Wales is currently undergoing and will undergo substantial changes to the way it delivers its services in the future. Consideration of the different proposals for change when viewed in isolation appears to produce uncertainty in terms of organisational structure. However, when considered as interdependent they provide a more clear and problematic issue that could undermine the current democratic model of policing utilised in this country. This article considers the ideas of the function of the public police within a democratic policing model and how changes such as the introduction of Police and Crime Commissioners, an apparent lack of engagement by the public with the democratic process, as well as the possibility of privatisation and outsourcing currently in vogue, may have a detrimental effect upon the policing philosophy that has underpinned policing in England and Wales for nearly 200 years.     

PROBLEM-ORIENTED POLICING IN VIOLENT CRIME PLACES: A RANDOMIZED CONTROLLED EXPERIMENT*

Over the past decade, problem-oriented policing has become a central strategy for policing. In a number of studies, problem-oriented policing has been found to be effective in reducing crime and disorder. However, very little is known about the value of problem-oriented interventions in controlling violent street crime. The National Academy of Sciences' Panel on the Understanding and Control of Violent Behavior suggests that sustained research on problem-oriented policing initiatives that modify places, routine activities, and situations that promote violence could contribute much to the understanding and control of violence. This study evaluates the effects of problem-oriented policing interventions on urban violent crime problems in Jersey City, New Jersey. Twenty-four high-activity, violent crime places were matched into 12 pairs and one member of each pair was allocated to treatment conditions in a randomized block field experiment. The results of the impact evaluation support the growing body of research that asserts focused police efforts can reduce crime and disorder at problem places without causing crime problems to displace to surrounding areas.     

In Search of Moral Recognition? Policing and Eudaemonic Legitimacy in Ghana

Ghana is widely considered as “a beacon of hope for democracy in Africa” (Gyimah‐Boadi 2010, 137). Yet substantive democratic transformations of policing have stagnated mainly because the police continue to act as a handmaiden of the state and powerful elites. Consequently, the reliance on performance in crime control and order maintenance as the bedrock of colonial police legitimacy (as judged by colonial administrators) has survived unscathed. Anxieties about violent crime, mainly in urban areas, have accompanied the pursuit of neoliberal economics and politics. Having staked their legitimacy on performance, the police view these anxieties and doubts about their effectiveness as potentially de‐legitimating. They have responded in a highly dramatic but violent fashion, including the extrajudicial killing of suspected violent offenders believed to be the cause of feelings of insecurity. This article examines the nature of this pathway to legitimacy.     

Authoritarian policing with Chinese characteristics: A case study of motorcycle bans in the Pearl River Delta

Despite unprecedented economic and social changes over the past three decades, China remains an authoritarian regime. However, the current authoritarian regime differs in many ways from that under Mao. Since the nature of a police force reflects the character of the political regime within which it operates, this paper explores current police practices in China. It argues that policing in China is neither completely authoritarian nor democratic, but best understood as soft-authoritarian. The case study examines policing of a motorcycle ban that was implemented to prevent motorcycle snatch theft in the Pearl River Delta. The police remained authoritarian and used many coercive strategies to push for the motorcycle ban. However, their hard-line strategies were matched by some soft-line persuasive tactics. I argue that changing state-society relations are leading to resistance to hard-authoritarian policing and contributing to soft-authoritarian policing in China.     

Adapting the Police Authority Concept to a Centralised National Police Service: Appearance over Substance in the Republic of Ireland?

The Republic of Ireland has been convulsed by a series of police corruption scandals over the past fifteen years and they show no sign of abating. In 2015, in an attempt to stem the consequent drain in public confidence in the Garda, the government established a Policing Authority which it presented as ‘the most important single change in the governance of the Garda Síochána in its history’. This article critically examines whether the new Irish Policing Authority can be interpreted as a successful adaptation of the traditional police authority concept to a parliamentary democracy policed by a single, national body. In particular, it considers whether it is equipped to shield the Garda and policing from the influence of partisan political and institutional interests, while at the same time deliver transparent democratic scrutiny of the Garda and policing on behalf of all sections of the community.     

The Confucian ethic and the spirit of East Asian police: a comparative study in the ideology of democratic policing

This paper is an empirical study in comparative police ideology. It describes cultural qualities that distinguish Taiwan’s idea of democratic policing from comparable ideas in other places. I examine the historical process by which Taiwan’s police came to be organized around the population registry (the hukou). This process has institutionalized a Confucian understanding of civic virtue as an organizing principle in Taiwanese policing. Based on these historical and cultural observations, I formulate an ideal typical model of Taiwanese “policing through virtue” that can be compared to other stereotypical national policing styles such as Britain’s “policing by consent,” America’s discretionary policing, and France’s formalist emphasis on division of power and rule of law.     

Terrorist victimization: A case study from India

The focus of terrorist victimization is largely upon the people hurt by terrorist groups or by state agencies acting in retaliation. However, victimization also comes from the policies and actions of the state that gives rise to the terrorism in the first place. This paper examines the nature of terrorist victimization in India. It focuses upon left‐wing terrorism in the state of Bihar and describes the anarchic situation prevailing there. The paper argues that victimization is coming both from the brutalities of the terrorist squads as well as the illegal actions of the police agencies. However, underlying these terrorist actions are government policies that have failed to address the democratic concerns of the citizens and which are unable to develop the economy. The paper also argues that it is necessary to ensure that state agencies do not go beyond the purview of legal boundaries. Only a state, dealing fairly, ensuring a rule of law and concerned about the victimization of all kinds can bring about the desired recovery of the people who alone suffer grievously.     

Implanting Community Policing in South Africa: A Failure of History,of Context,and of Theory

The globalisation of policing is not anew phenomenon. The British colonial police are a much older example of that process. But in recent years, policing has come to be `sold' to `transitional' and to `failed' state in a cumulative fashion. The most obvious export by the West in the present day is that of Community-Oriented Policing. However, much of that export drive has been accompanied by a failure of the salespeople to recognize that community policing only works in societies with particular histories and in particular social context. The paper examined the implantation of community policing in South Africa and its failure to take root. An appropriate lesson is drawn. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Overcoming barriers to communication between police and socially disadvantaged neighbourhoods: a critical theory of community policing

This research paper explores barriers to communication between police and residents of socially disadvantaged neighbourhoods (SDNs). Using a participant observation approach, research in a poor, high-crime, muiti-ethnic neighbourhood in Vancouver, Canada examined communication between police and neighbourhood residents. Communication problems that were apparent included one-way dialogue between police and neighbourhood residents, the inability of police to effectively communicate with minority and special needs groups, and the promulgation of community policing as a purposive rational model which obfuscates an empathetic dialogue between police and SDN residents. These communicative problems limited the success of community policing and crime prevention in this neighbourhood and perpetuated the asymmetrical relations between many residents and the police. Indeed, traditional community policing models have generally failed SDNs because they do not recognize how police communication with residents can continually reproduce an asymmetrical power relationship between the two. The infusion of Habermasian critical theory into community policing represents one means to overcome the communicative obstacles that perpetuate the asymmetrical power relations between police and SDN residents. lt does so by emphasizing a communicative action that attempts to expose and deconstruct asymmetrical social and personal power relationships and replace them with modes of communication that result in a more empathetic relationship. The communicative emphasis in a critical theory of community policing is a commitment to forward policing in SDNs as a democratic and empowering process. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

Salafi and Islamist Londoners: Stigmatised minority faith communities countering al-Qaida

The paper highlights the paradoxical position of certain Salafi and Islamist communities in London who have consistently demonstrated skill, courage and commitment in countering al-Qaida propaganda and recruitment activity while simultaneously facing ill-founded criticism from other Muslim communities and secular political lobbyists for creating the conditions that gave rise to the al-Qaida phenomena. In doing so the paper compares the experience of Salafi and Islamist communities living in London during an ongoing terrorist campaign by al-Qaida with Jewish and Irish Catholic communities living in London during earlier terrorist campaigns against the UK’s capital city. In each instance community policing is shown to have a crucial role to play in terms of reassurance for minority faith communities and the prevention of terrorism. However, the intersection between policing and counter-terrorism is shown to produce tensions that may weaken minority community confidence in policing and thereby reduce proactive community support for counter-terrorism measures. At this intersection a London policing initiative is shown to have developed proactive counter-terrorism partnerships with Salafi and Islamist community groups of a pioneering nature. In consequence the same critics who conflate Salafis and Islamists with an urgent terrorist threat to London have accused this policing initiative of appeasing extremism.     

Situational prevention of terrorism. Remarks from the field of counterterrorism in the Netherlands on Newman and Clarke’s Policing Terrorism

In this paper I shall discuss how criminal investigation might contribute to a situational approach to terrorism. Therefore I discuss Policing Terrorism by Newman and Clarke, and confront it with experiences from work in the field of counterterrorism: criminal investigations at the Dutch National Police Agency (NPA). I demonstrate that Newman and Clarke have too narrow a scope on policing terrorism, in particular when it comes to the role of criminal investigation. They restrict their focus to local police work in the phases immediately before and after a terrorist attack. This is unfortunate because case files show that criminal investigators play a central role in the prevention of terrorism. They intervene in earlier phases of terrorist preparation, target a wider range of terrorist offences than terrorist attacks, and prosecute radicals for their non-terrorist offences. Furthermore, criminal investigations offer insights that might be of help in developing an SCP approach to terrorism.     

当前警务改革现实问题与改革路径探究

当前,我国警务改革面临警力编制少,警力资源配置失衡,机关化倾向突出,警务机制运行不畅等现实问题。对此,本文提出如下建议：扎实做好基层基础工作创新,着力破解＂警力不足＂的难题;推进管理机制创新,破解＂机制不畅＂难题;推进科学技术创新,挑战＂技术手段滞后＂难题;提高打防工作创新,破解＂形势考验＂难题。     

Crafting public security: demilitarisation,penal state reform and security policy-making in post-authoritarian Chile

ABSTRACT

Here I dissect the institutionalisation of ‘citizen security’ as a category and sector of public policy in post-authoritarian Chile. Deploying a Bourdieusian field theory approach and questioning narratives of security policies as responses to criminality or adaptations to democratic values, I argue that the construction of a new security policy sector – with a new consensus (distinct from that of National Security), with reformed police and courts in its core, leaving aside the military and extending beyond traditional agencies – derives from (i) struggles over policing and criminal justice reforms, (ii) tensions between the military and democratic authorities in democracy and (iii) performative integrations of the new policy components. These mechanisms explain the evolution of the security problem and the progressive aggregation of bureaucratic agencies and methods to the ‘public security policy’ – policing, judiciary, urban design, prisons and prevention plans. I close discussing alternative accounts of institutional variations in security governance in the region.     

The pluralization of policing and the rise of private policing in China

Policing in China has undergone tremendous change during the economic transformation of the past three decades. This paper describes the plural policing bodies that have existed during pre- and post-reform periods in China. In the pre-reform period the policing bodies were generally public in nature with the public security police playing an important role in providing professional guidance to the other policing bodies. In the post-reform period, there has been a transition from a monopoly of public policing to an integration of public/private policing, with the public security police still playing a leading role in the policing network. Apart from the emergence of private policing (the security service industry), there is also a trend towards privatizing some previously public policing bodies in line with the movement toward strengthening the rule of law and towards privatization in general.