WEBER AND KAFKA: THE RATIONAL AND THE ENIGMATIC BUREAUCRACY

Max Weber's and Franz Kafka's respective understandings of bureaucracy are as different as night and day. Yet, Kafka's novel The Castle is best read with Max Weber at hand. In fact, Kafka relates systematically to all the dimensions in Weber's ideal type of bureaucracy and give us a much‐contemplated parody, almost a counter‐punctual ideal type, based on four key observations: bureaucratic excesses unfold in time and space; a ‘no error’ ideology generates inescapable dilemmas; inscrutability is a life condition in bureaucracy; civil servants end up walking on the spot, just like the figures in Escher's painting: Ascending and Descending. Nevertheless, Weber and Kafka can both be right. While Kafka looks at the bureaucratic phenomenon through persons who are marginalized, Weber's perspective is historic‐comparative and top‐down. Are the observations of the one more correct than the other? The question is meaningless. As two opposite poles, Weber and Kafka ‘magnetize’ each other.     

THE INTERNET AND DEMOCRACY: THE CAUSAL LINKS BETWEEN TECHNOLOGY AND POLITICS

Abstract

This paper strives to explicate the causal links between changing technology and democratic governance. Its overarching goal is to define the relevant concepts of communication and governance and more importantly, to focus empirical observations on the critical dimensions of a multifaceted phenomenon. The analysis focuses on three key links in this causal chain. The first is the effects of technological in novation on different communication activities. The second link involves the role communication and information play in democratic governance. The final is the social and political mechanisms by which technological innovations are introduced within and transform democratic processes and institutions. We argue that a sharper understanding of these three essential links will enable the growing numbers of researchers interested in electronic democracy to employ the massive social experiment the Internet represents to clarify and further democratic theory itself.

The rise of the Internet has led to a burgeoning literature on the probable effects of emerging information and communication technologies (ICTs) on democratic processes. The breadth of the debate is impressive, largely due to the complexity of democratic governance and the historic implications of the information age. Those venturing into this literature, however, are met with a confusing tangle of propositions, many of which are contradictory and all of which are interrelated in unexplicated ways. Fears of social polarization due to inequitable access to ICTs or of increasing govern-ment intrusion into our private lives are juxtaposed against the promise of rejuvenated political participation engendered by new communication channels. Visions of citizens being empowered by ubiquitous access to government information are tempered by warnings of information overload.

This paper strives to clarify the links between changing technology and democratic governance. Analysts observe technology driving a number of profound changes in our communication systems: costs are plummeting, advanced capabilities are becoming increasingly easy to use, interconnected networks enable users to access information stored on millions of computers, the Internet enables whole new populations to broadcast content, and real time as well as asynchronous multicasting support entirely new modes of communication. Unfortunately, much of the writing on electronic democracy treats technological advance as a deus ex machina inextricably leading to a certain final outcome. Critical causal links remain implicit. In what ways does the Internet improve and qualitatively change existing and already quite advanced communication systems? What specific roles do information and communication play in democratic governance? What are the social and political mechanisms by which technologies affect democratic processes and institutions?

Greater attention to these linkages is warranted for a number of reasons. Both democratic governance and modern communication systems are complex and multifaceted. Theory is needed to define the relevant concepts and to focus empirical observations on the critical dimensions of these phenomena. Moreover, the history of technological prognostication is littered with faulty predictions of the impacts of new technologies.[1] Pool, I., ed. 1977. The Social Impact of the Telephone 502Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.  [Google Scholar] These impacts only become apparent slowly over many years, and they are often small and unanticipated.[2] Abramson, J.R., Arterton, F.C. and Orren, G.O. 1988. The Electronic Commonwealth: The Impact of New Media Technologies on Democratic Politics 331New York: Basic Books. They argue that television did not significantly effect campaign politics until the late 1960s, about 20 years after the boom in television broadcasting began. See also, Berry, J.M.; Portnoy, K.E.; Thomson, K. The Rebirth of Urban Democracy; The Brookings Institution: Washington, DC, 1993; 326 pp. In their thorough examination of the effects of formal citizen participation mechanisms, they found that political institutions designed to improve communication between citizens and their local governments led to only small changes in political outcomes, processes, and citizen attitudes. [Google Scholar] Consequently, researchers require a comprehensive understanding of the phenomena under investigation to interpret the long-run implications of intermediate outcomes. Finally, with a sharper understanding of the linkages between technology and governance, researchers will be better prepared to employ the massive social experiment represented by the Internet to clarify and further democratic theory itself.

This project extends well beyond the scope of a single paper, and our aims here are accordingly modest. We do not present a grand theory of communication technology and governmental reform. Rather, we define the necessary elements of such a theory and elaborate these elements employing existing concepts from communication studies, political science, and other disciplines. The paper proceeds as follows. We begin by noting five empirical observations that must shape theory. Then we proceed to define and discuss three necessary elements of a theory of communication technology and democracy. Conclusions follow.     

ISSUE NETWORKS AND THE RESTRUCTURING OF THE BRITISH AND WEST GERMAN COAL INDUSTRIES IN THE 1980s

This article uses policy network theory to examine comparatively the politics of the British and West German coal industries in the 1980s. It considers the reasons why policy in Britain was directed at restructuring and in West Germany at preserving the industry's existing structure. It focuses on the dynamics of network stability and change, and the growing importance of the international dimension in domestic policy making, a factor overlooked by network theory. The article contrasts the Thatcher and Kohl governments which, though both avowedly committed to free-markets, pursued very different policies in the coal industry. The article concludes with a brief assessment of network theory.     

POLICY NETWORKS AND THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN INSIDER AND OUTSIDER GROUPS: THE CASE OF THE COUNTRYSIDE ALLIANCE

Unsurprisingly, a great deal has been written about the role of interest groups in contemporary societies. Here, we focus on two sets of concepts that have had influence in the UK literature: the distinction between 'insider' and 'outsider' groups originally developed by Grant (1978, 2000) ; and the classification of policy networks developed by Marsh and Rhodes (1992 ; see also Marsh and Smith 2000). We have two aims in this article. First, we use these concepts to consider the role of the Countryside Alliance (CA) in the UK, which, at least in terms of membership numbers and media exposure, is one of the most interesting phenomena on the contemporary interest group scene. Second, we use the case study of the CA to cast light on the utility of these two sets of concepts and consider how they might be integrated. As such, this article is divided into two substantive sections. First, we identify the issues raised in the literature on, first, insider and outsider groups and, then, policy networks. In the second section we examine the role of the CA.     

CORPORATE GOVERNANCE AND THE PUBLIC SECTOR: SOME ISSUES AND EVIDENCE FROM THE NHS

The 1990s have been marked by a resurgence of interest in questions of corporate governance in both public and private sector settings. The 1990 reorganization of the NHS is taken as an example of a recent attempt to‘reform’arrangements for corporate governance in the public sector based on a board of directors’model. The policy background is reviewed and the salient features of the NHS reorganization outlined. Empirical case study evidence is adduced which enables us to make an assessment of the advantageous and disadvantageous effects of the 1990 reorganization. Some unresolved questions are outlined in the concluding discussion.     

eGOVERNMENT AND THE TRANSFORMATION AGENDA

Government policy-making emphasis worldwide is moving increasingly to how ICT can be used to achieve efficiency savings ( Gershon 2004 ) or to transform activities ( Cabinet Office; Transformational Government 2005 ). The role of ICT in achieving efficiency benefits or supporting transformational change is almost universally accepted by policy-makers, despite the fact that little robust evidence exists.
eGovernment evaluation methodologies are reviewed and evidence is provided in this paper to demonstrate that transformational eGovernment projects produce greater benefits than other types of initiatives. The level of benefits for different groups of beneficiaries is examined. A key factor determining benefits and impact of any project is the number of users of the service and/or the frequency of use of a system.     

GOVERNANCE AND THE PUBLIC GOOD

The paper examines the control of power, using an account of the public good developed from Aristotle. It identifies three different perspectives on the relationship between governance (the control of power) and the public good: a 'cybernetic' perspective, an 'axiological' perspective, and a perspective of 'critique'. This framework offers a way to scrutinize the exercise of power, and to evaluate the linkages between a political administration and its citizenry. To evaluate an administration's legacy, this framework suggests we should study: (1) how an administration controls power over time; (2) how an administration exhibits virtue; and (3) how an administration creates conditions which enable its citizens to live the good life. Narrative theory is one basis for empirical development of this framework. This contributes to some long-standing debates in management, public administration, economics and political science. It also enables critical examination of a fashionable, though vague, term: 'public value'.     

PLANNING AND CONTROLLING PUBLIC EXPENDITURE IN THE UK, PART II: THE EFFECTS AND EFFECTIVENESS OF THE SURVEY

Part I of this article [spring 19921 examined and explained the processes by which the Treasury plans and controls public expenditure through the Public Expenditure Survey. This second part analyses the survey's effects and effectiveness. Throughout we assess the survey by the extent to which the principal functions of planning, allocating, controlling and evaluating public expenditure are articulated and performed. We use four sets of criteria. Firstly, the survey is assessed as a means of regulating the interdependent relationships of the principal participants. Secondly, as a system for making decisions about public expenditure, the survey is judged by the extent to which it has enabled governments to achieve their broad spending objectives. Thirdly, the survey is assessed b the extent to which it provides directly for the participation of ministers collectively in tie process of decision-making, and how they decide the relative priority of both the total of public expenditure and its composition. And fourthly, its effects are measured by analysing the outputs of the system - the allocation of spending to departments and agencies. In the concluding section we address directly the question of whose interests are best served by the survey.     

THE QUASI-MARKET,THE ENTREPRENEUR AND THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE NHS BUSINESS MANAGER

The recent changes in the UK National Health Service were heralded by the publication of the Griffiths report in 1983 which highlighted the need for a business-like’approach to management. The policy makers’generic strategy of the late 1980s and early 1990s centred around the concept of‘quasi-markets’. These were artificial internal markets encompassing the purchasers and providers of public services. Little research has been undertaken into this new phenomenon of the‘quasi-market’but entrepreneurship economic theory would suggest that for markets to be efficient would require a supply of alert and aware entrepreneurs. Within the restructured NHS, the mantle for entrepreneurial management seems to have been placed firmly on the shoulders of the newly created‘business managers’. A 1993 survey amongst NHS business managers in first and second wave trust hospitals in the Trent Regional Health Authority indicated that whilst business managers were knowledgable of what entrepreneurial activity is, they currently feel constrained in their new roles for a variety of reasons. The authors suggest that rational economic analysis is insufficient to explain this lack of innovatory endeavour. Instead policy makers’attention should be devoted to liberating health managers from their current constraints to encourage their entrepreneurial development.     

THE CORE EXECUTIVE AND THE RESIGNATION OF MRS THATCHER

Margaret Thatcher was seen as one of the most dominant post-war Prime Ministers and yet she was forced to resign in November 1990. Most extant explanations of her fall concentrate on relatively short-term factors such as the resignation of Sir Geoffrey Howe, the Community Charge and issues surrounding the European Community. This article argues that these accounts fail to explain Mrs Thatcher's fall because they do not place her resignation within the context of prime ministerial power. The article suggests that traditional notions of prime ministerial power are flawed because they are essentiallystatic and over-simplistic. The article develops an alternative model of prime ministerial power based on the notion of power dependence. The model is then used to demonstrate that Mrs Thatcher's fall was due to her failure to recognize her dependence on cabinet colleagues.     

SEEKING TALENT AT THE VOTING BOOTH: ELECTIONS AND THE PROBLEM OF CAMPAIGNING IN THE LATE QING AND EARLY REPUBLIC

Abstract

Early twentieth-century Chinese governments experimented with competitive elections for legislative office. In the hundred years since these elections, historians and others have argued over whether they are best understood as “failures” for producing weak, easily manipulated government or as “successes” that heralded the potential for Chinese democracy. An examination of print media discourse from the time of these elections, however, reveals a profound discomfort with voting that was independent of, and prior to, the seating of any elected government. In particular, the repeated condemnation of election “campaigning” pointed to a series of philosophical and intellectual problems presented by elections as a form of selection. By analyzing complaints about “campaigning” as a discourse with a particular resonance within the political culture of the late Qing and early Republic, I push beyond considerations of “success” or “failure” to analyze the tensions between expectations for, and the actuality of, early twentieth-century elections.     

THE COSTS AND RETURNS OF THE PRIVATIZATION OF NATIONALIZED INDUSTRIES

The sale of public sector industry has become a central plank of UK public policy. This paper concentrates upon the most contentious area of the opportunity cost of share sales. The nature of these costs is related to the revealed objectives of the policy, and the extent to which they differ from expected costs is identified. The nature of the benefits forecast for privatization is explod and questions posed concerning the balance of costs and benefits in current policy. Particular attention is paid to the distribution of returns on the share issues in privatized businesses and parallels are drawn with issues in the private sector.     

LOCAL BROADCASTING AND THE LOCAL AUTHORITY

The development of local radio in Britain was expected to have significant and positive effects on local political communication. This article discusses the extent and character of local radio's engagement with the local political system, drawing upon some of the evidence obtained from a wide-ranging study of what radio stations are doing. The nature of local government coverage is discussed, with appropriate examples. The limitations of local radio's engagement with the local political system are highlighted, reflected in both the quantity and quality of its coverage. Some reasons for these limitations are suggested (size of local radio areas, lack of expertise in local government matters, attitudes of broadcasters) and the need to overcome them is stressed if the original promise of local radio in this field is to be fulfilled.     

THE STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE

The 'dual state' thesis provides a useful starting point in analysing the relationship between the central and local state. However the history of reform in local government finance suggests that the dual state approach underemphasizes a number of important features of the relationship. Notably the degree of diversity which exists between the interests displayed by different sectors of the central state, the vertical linkages which exist between national and local levels and the difficulty of pursuing coherent long term strategies in local finance.     

THE ENABLING STATE: THE ROLE OF MARKETS AND CONTRACTS

Contracts have been a key element in the recent reform of British public services. Their introduction has formed part of a broader process of change in which the market structures and values have featured prominently. In practice, contracts have both brought benefits and presented problems. More particularly, greater organizational formality has raised some important issues – the role of trust and the form and practice of accountability prominent among them. Evidence from a recent esrc -supported study shows that some services (the simpler ones) have generally gained from the reforms; but the evidence for more complex ones is equivocal at best.     

CHANGING AGENDAS AND POLICY COMMUNITIES: AGRICULTURAL ISSUES IN THE 1930s AND THE 1980s

Pluralists have argued that the political agenda is relatively open. If a group or party apply enough pressure then new issues should have access to the political arena. However, the theories of policy communities and the third dimension of power suggest that issues can be kept off the political agenda. Agriculture seems to provide an example where for forty years new issues did not emerge. Yet in the 1930s and 1980s pressures to change the agricultural agenda have existed. This raises the problem of how, if the agenda is controlled, new issues are debated. Traditionally, agenda change has been explained through the activities of pressure groups but this paper argues that this view is inadequate where a policy community exists. Therefore it suggests that agendas change when structural factors change perceptions and the dominant beliefs of the policy-makers no longer match reality.