后冷战时期社会党国际的全球政策及其特性分析

冷战结束后,社会民主主义的全球性组织社会党国际提出和实施了一系列全球政策以应对后冷战时期全球环境的变迁。这些政策既有实用的一面,又有非实用的一面。     

冷战后社会党国际纲领与政策变革

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

后冷战时期美国的中东政策及其发展趋势

后冷战时期美国的中东政策主要包括:控制中东石油资源、以"大中东民主化"战略为核心改造中东、借防止大规模杀伤性武器扩散为名、瓦解美国在中东最后一个公开对手伊朗并推动中东和平进程.尽管奥巴马政府的新中东政策尚未正式出台,但巴初露端倪,主要是:改变前任政府的强硬作风,修复美国在阿拉伯人中的形象;一如既往地捍卫以色列的"自卫权",对巴勒斯坦人的处境表示一定的同情,支持其建立国家;对伊朗和叙利亚等所谓的激进国家采取包括对话在内的综合战略.     

冷战后美国对华人权外交研究

苏联解体后,冷战结束,世界格局发生了巨大变动,美国借此来强化其人权外交,企图建立一个由美国主导的单极世界。美国对华人权外交是美国以人权为外交准则的对外关系战略,本质是霸权主义和强权政治。     

冷战后中国参与的联合国维和行动

冷战后,两极格局瓦解,各种力量重新分化组合,这为联合国作用的发挥提供了机遇。基于此,中国对联合国的政策也随之发生了显著变化,尤其是在联合国维和问题上有了新的认识。中国参与联合国的维和行动,不同于冷战时期仅仅停留在态度的观望上,而是表现出一个循序渐进,从消极适应观望到积极实践参与的过程。这一变化向国际社会展示了中国维护世界和平、促进共同发展的决心。     

浅析《欲望号街车》在冷战时期的去同性恋化

美国冷战时期的文化意识形态以反共产主义和反同性恋为主导,导致许多作家不得不对当时的文化审查做出不同程度的妥协。而百老汇剧作家田纳西.威廉姆斯便是其中之一。由于他本人同性恋的身份,他的作品更是备受关注。主要通过对比普利策获奖作品之一的《欲望号街车》的先后两个版本,提出他的创作并非一开始便回避同性恋主题,其作品的同性恋化其实是一个历史的渐进过程。     

冷战后中国外交观的鲜明特色解读

冷战后的中国外交观具有鲜明的特色。维护世界和平,促进共同发展是根本宗旨;坚持独立自主性与和平性是基本属性;发达国家、周边国家与发展中国家是外交重点;多边外交、政党外交与民间外交是重要补充。这些外交观既有继承,又有发展;既有利于中国的和平发展,又有利于世界的和平稳定。     

第二次柏林危机与冷战时期德国的外交政策

第二次柏林危机期间,美国试图牺牲联邦德国利益与苏联达成妥协,动摇了联邦德国对于它的西方最强大盟友的信心,迫使联邦德国重新审视其依靠西方实力促进德国重新统一的政策,着手改善与东方之间的关系。对美国的失望,坚定了联邦德国走德法合作道路的决心,促使联邦德国更加密切与法国的关系。从这个意义上来说,第二次柏林危机对联邦德国的外交政策影响深远。     

浅谈后危机时期大学生就业现状与对策

席卷全球的金融危机给高校毕业生就业市场带来了新的压力和挑战,处于后危机时期的大学生对就业的预期是否合理将决定他们未来的职业生涯能否顺利开始。对此我们针对即将步入就业市场的大学生就业预期进行了问卷调查,并分析了后危机时期国内外大学生就业现状,对大学生就业指导工作的新模式进行了探讨。     

冷战结束后北美的马克思主义研究

冷战结束后,北美马克思主义研究领域涌现出许多新学派.在总结苏东剧变教训的基础上,这些学派大多认为马克思主义和社会主义没有"死亡",资本主义并不是历史的终结,并对马克思主义的未来发展方向和社会主义的未来发展道路进行了积极的探索,其中以分析的马克思主义、生态主义的马克思主义和市场社会主义的相关观点最具代表性.     

The Relationship among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei in the Post-Cold War Era: A formal modeling

This paper investigates domestic origins of the cyclical pattern in Washington’s relationship with Beijing and Taipei. By focusing on the impact of U.S. presidential election, it argues that, during the election year, U.S. leaders adopt popular policies to achieve a greater number of votes. Such popular policies result in tensions between the countries and subdue the long-term U.S. strategic interests. After election, political leaders resume the long-term strategic interests. A generalizable maximum utility function model is developed to analyze and predict the impact of domestic politics on international relations. Early versions were presented at the International Symposium on the U.S.-China Relations, University of Maryland, October 1996, and at the Chinese Association for Eurasian Studies in Taipei, May 1997. The errors remaining are ours. is currently teaching at Clemson University. His latest publications include a forthcoming volume,Transition towards Post-Deng China, by the Singapore University Press. from Northern Illinois University in 1994, has published several research articles in top journals. His current research interest is centered on economics of public policy making. Currently he is teaching at Hillsdale College, Michigan.     

Change and Permanence in Political Parties

Incessant changes alter political parties in their organization, structure, recruitment and all other characteristics. Nevertheless, they are usually credited with stable features by which they are identified, and which enable them to be classified. If we consider French political parties, it is possible to demonstrate that both change and apparent stability arise from interaction within each party as well as between them and between the social organizations to which they are linked. These interactions and their effects must be related to general processes, such as social and cultural transformation; they cannot be solely explained by specifically political competition.     

Ideology,Parties and Social Politics in Europe

This article aims at ‘bringing ideology back in’ for the analysis of party politics and, more specifically, for the discussion of the delicate dyad ‘responsiveness vs. responsibility’. The article starts with an analytical discussion on the concept of ideology and on how to study its adaptation and change. It then reviews the ideological shifts that have characterised welfare state discourse and politics since the 1980s: first, the neoliberal turn and its attack on the old social democratic consensus; then the gradual emergence of a new ideological perspective that is called here liberal neo-welfarism. The main argument is that ideology plays an important role in framing partisan strategies in the delicate and increasingly prominent field of social politics. Ideological change reflects not only exogenous socio-economic transformations but also endogenous and relatively autonomous epistemic dynamics that bridge intellectual and partisan arenas.     

新时代社会治理共同体的秩序发展与活力培育

党的十九届四中全会开启了将制度优势转化为治理效能的"制治之旅",建设"人人有责、人人尽责、人人享有"的社会治理共同体是实现社会治理现代化的重要举措。新时代社会治理共同体的建设,在秩序发展方面,要聚焦制度优势,不断完善社会治理制度、提升制度执行力、创新人才制度和协调多元秩序,更好地发挥政府秩序、市场秩序、社会秩序和专业秩序的功能,增强社会治理共同体的治理效能;在活力培育方面,要促进"四化"协同,不断推进社会化治理、法治化治理、智能化治理和专业化治理的协同,激发社会治理共同体成员的活力。只有全面准确贯彻新发展理念,充分发挥处于"序""义""利"交汇点上"人"的主观能动性,才能推进社会治理共同体的高质量发展,提高制度、政策服务供给与人民美好生活需要的匹配度,增强人民的获得感、幸福感、安全感,最终实现人的共生共在。     

Swedish intelligence in the Second World War

Henry C. Clausen and Bruce Lee, Pearl Harbor: Final Judgment (New York: Crown Books, 1992). Pp.485. $25.00.