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Herfried Münkler Professor Dr. 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2001,42(4):581-589
Ohne Zusammenfassung Dieser Essay beruht auf Vortr?gen, die ich auf Einladung von Wilhelm Heitmeyer am 24. Oktober in der Universit?t Bielefeld und im Rahmen einer von Gerd-Joachim Glae?ner organisierten Ringvorlesung am 20. November in der Humboldt-Universit?t Berlin gehalten habe. 相似文献
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In order to illuminate the consequences of extra votes for parents, this article looks at the questions of whether parents differ in their party choice from younger people and of what the overall results would have been like for German Bundestag elections in 1994–2005. The results can be summarised as follows: (1) In simple comparisons, parents and childless people have not differed a lot in their party preferences since the first half of the 1990s. However, a more complex analysis of the 2005 elections brought to light systematic differences that are contingent on voters’ age and on their region. (2) The aggregate results of the 1994 to 2005 elections would have looked very much the same. Thus, no party would profit per se in electoral terms from the introduction of the proxy vote for children. 相似文献
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Ferdinand Müller-Rommel Philipp Harfst Henrike Schultze 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(4):669-694
Zusammenfassung Am Beispiel von zehn parlamentarischen Demokratien in Mittelosteuropa (1995–2004) werden neue Demokratiemuster nachgewiesen,
welche die Kombination von machtkonzentrierenden und machtdispersiven Effekten von Akteurskonstellationen und formal-institutionellen
Entscheidungsregeln (elektoral und legislativ) erfassen. Damit leistet die vorliegende Untersuchung einen theoretischen und
empirischen Beitrag zur Wirkungslogik von Institutionen und Akteuren auf die Politikperformanz parlamentarischer Demokratien.
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This article examines to what degree the voting decision in 1998 was affected by personal, ‘nonpolitical’ qualities of the two chancellor candidates, i.e. Gerhard Schroeder and Helmut Kohl: personal integrity, physical attractiveness, and family life. Drawing on the German national post election study 1998, it is demonstrated that the two candidates’ personal qualities had in fact a significant impact on the voting decision. Differentiating between several personal attributes, personal integrity proves to be somewhat more important than truly nonpolitical attributes such as the physical attractiveness or the candidates’ family life. All in all, hypotheses on personalization receive support from the analyses presented in this article. 相似文献
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夜深了,某部导弹连的战士大都按时就寝,只有二排六班的两个床铺还空着。班长高翔再也忍不住了,一跺脚,气咻咻地向连部走去。空床铺的主人是壬军和孙坤兵。平时,两人作风稀稀拉拉,有时不请假就外出。这不,已经到了熄灯时间,还不见回来。连里干部正心急火燎的时候,大约十一点钟,两人终于回来了。高班长真想把他们狠狠克一顿。指导员瞿网富摆摆手说:“先让他们休息吧,有事明天再说。”第二天,不等把王军、孙坤兵叫到连部,驻地小张庄木匠高传登就送来一封感谢信和10元钱,并 相似文献
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忽如一夜春风来,成百上千公司开.大概从2014年三四月份开始,好像是事先谋划和准备好了,沈阳城里一下冒出上千家大大小小的投资管理公司,这些门面整齐划一的公司,很惹人注目,但许多人并不知道他们是具体做什么的.随之而来的是,这些公司在各自的门口摆上各种礼品招徕客户,有的还免费发放蔬菜等物品,一时间,公司门庭热闹,车水马龙.但没几个月,人们就不断听说某某公司卷款跑路的不幸消息.最近笔者对此进行了一些调查. 相似文献
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Ruth Wodak 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2018,59(2):323-335
In this paper, I discuss the swing to the (far-)right in (Austrian) party politics during the election campaign and national election on October 15, 2017. This transformation is caused, I claim, by a process of normalisation, an accommodation to the, sometimes also extreme-right, agenda of formerly right-wing populist parties such as the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ). The election campaign of both the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP) and the FPÖ focussed primarily on migration and refugee politics, based on a politics of fear and resentment. After first attempting to define the phenomenon of right-wing populism, I trace how tabooed and extreme right contents slowly became acceptable, as soon as the ÖVP shamelessly integrated some (not all) aspects of the FPÖ’s election program. 相似文献
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Dr. Svenja Falk Prof. Dr. Andrea Römmele Henrik Schober M.A. Dr. Martin Thunert 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2010,51(1):119-125
In recent years, the field of political consulting and policy advice has gained growing attention and, thus, has been subject of important debates regarding its key concepts and theoretical foundations. This paper sets out to defend the authors' original thesis which has been challenged in the course of these debates. We argue that, along with classical oneway modes of consultation, a new way of interaction between political decision makers and consultants has emerged. The knowledge deriving from these cooperative discourses is not merely an external source for the preparation and legitimation of political decisions. It is integral part of the policy process and may unfold its potential as long as it meets the standards of epistemic and political robustness. 相似文献