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1.
Virgil Henry Storr 《Society》2010,47(3):200-206
Although Berger and Luckmann do not specifically discuss the market, they would undoubtedly agree that the market is socially
constructed. Indeed, the market is a product of social action that has an objective and subjective reality. Inspired by Berger
and Luckmann’s work, this paper will describe the social construction of the market. Specifically, it will focus on the Austrian
understanding of the market. It is my contention that the Austrians have articulated a “sociology of the market” that is consistent
with Berger and Luckmann’s approach. 相似文献
2.
Peter R. Wilshusen 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(2):137-162
This article explores the everyday exchanges associated with community-based natural resources management in southeastern
Mexico to suggest how formal and informal social practices shape conservation and development outcomes. Discussions of social
process in most policy analyses emphasize formal exchanges based in rational action but typically overlook the impact of everyday
social practices, which often occur “off-stage.” First, I build on existing conceptualizations of social process in the policy
sciences by exploring culturally-informed approaches focused on everyday practice, infrapolitics, and performance. Second,
I present a case study detailing the emergence and decline of a timber marketing fund to reveal how informal lending among
community members contributed to the decapitalization of the fund. Third, I trace flows of economic capital from the fund
in order to discuss specific policy outcomes. Fourth, I present ethnographic and archival evidence showing the persistence
and frequency of informal lending, the performative aspects of local social process, and the character of “off-stage” interactions.
I conclude with a discussion of social process that extends analysis beyond values-based outcomes to consider how long-standing
practices based in particular logics (political cultures) collide with formalized (technocratic) practices of the public sphere.
I employ this conceptual approach to critically examine questions of petty corruption and local conflict, to uncover multiple
dimensions of micro political interaction, and to explore how cultural perspectives on social process might inform policy
responses.
相似文献
Peter R. WilshusenEmail: |
3.
This article seeks to analyze how homogeneity between the federationand the constituent Lander is provided by the Austrian federalConstitution in general. Focus is then put on a recent judgmentof the Austrian Constitutional Court, which has been one ofthe most outstanding cases of the Court's "homogeneity jurisdiction."The Court held a provision of a Land constitution to be in breachof the federal Constitution and therefore repealed it. The reasongiven was that the provision, which had obliged the Land parliamentto pass a law if this was demanded by a people's petition andsupported by the Land people in a referendum, endangered thesystem of representative democracy as provided by the federalConstitution. This narrow understanding of democratic homogeneityand the negligence of the principle of federalism are criticallyviewed in the article. 相似文献
4.
Mick Green 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(1):55-71
Since the election in 1997 of a New Labour Government in the United Kingdom, a growing number of analyses have provided insights
into, and critiques of, what has been termed the “social investment state”. To date, these analyses have interrogated particular
developments and distinct issues in a number of key social welfare policy-related sectors, including education, citizenship,
the family, and poverty/employment. Notable by its absence, however, is the contribution that policies for sport and physical
activity are now playing in the realisation of New Labour’s social investment strategies. This article therefore interrogates
and registers the growing salience of sport policy interventions for the construction of a social investment state within
the broader political context of governing under “advanced liberal” rationalities. The “active citizen”, and children and
young people, in particular, are valorised and appear centre-stage as the focus for these interventions. This child-centred
focus is problematised, as is the argument that, under prevailing political rationalities of advanced liberalism, government
“steers” rather than “rows” and “enables” rather than “commands”. Under these conditions, while children are deemed deserving
of investment, there may be other groups who are deemed less deserving, for example, older people who, unlike children and
young people have little currency in a future-oriented world.
相似文献
Mick GreenEmail: |
5.
Reinhard Heinisch 《West European politics》2013,36(3):67-96
While Germany is facing the wholesale disorganisation of sectoral collective bargaining, the Austrian social partnership has gained new strength in the 1990s. Comparatively, Austro‐corporatism proved able to undergo a process of skilful adaptation. This divergence in performance poses a puzzle, given Germany's commanding presence both in international markets and in the European Union, and given Austria's traditional hostility to modernisation. This article explains German—Austrian differences in the performance and resilience of corporatist governance in the face of modernisation and market integration in terms of (i) the organisational differences between German and Austrian corporatism (sectoral concentration versus vertical centralisation and little horizontal formalisation); (ii) the long term policy strategies employed by labour unions in either system (co‐determination versus macro‐level policy influence); and (Hi) by the different responses to modernisation chosen by German and Austrian corporatist actors (internal organisational reforms verus becoming modernisation brokers). 相似文献
6.
AbstractParties may rely on different issue agendas when tailoring their electoral campaigns in an attempt to win elections. This paper compares two key party issue strategies to examine which one the victorious Austrian Peoples’ Party (ÖVP) relied on the most during the 2017 Austrian election campaign vis-à-vis its main competitors. These two key party strategies are the ‘riding-the-wave’ model, which posits that parties focus on issues that currently concern voters the most and the recent ‘issue-yield model’, which instead suggests that parties adopt strategic behaviour targeting all those issues with genuine opportunities for electoral expansion. It is found that, compared to the other main parties in the 2017 Austrian election campaign, the ÖVP was the one most clearly relying on the issue-yield approach. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral campaigns, party’s exploitation of issue strategies, and voter representation beyond the Austrian case. 相似文献
7.
While recent developments in Western Europe provide numerous examples of the instability and decay of corporatist arrangements in the face of economic crisis, Austrian social partnership still exhibits remarkable stability. The article tries to explain this stability of corporatist politics in Austria. The Austrian case is also used to demonstrate some limitations of the academic literature on the breakdown of corporatism. However, stability in the Austrian case does not mean that nothing has changed. Changes have occurred within the existing institutional framework. Two main factors in the transformation of Austrian social partnership are pointed out, namely socio-cultural and political changes. Finally, some future perspectives of Austrian corporatism are outlined. 相似文献
8.
Shareen Hertel 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(3):102-118
This article challenges key aspects of theories on norms evolution, transnational advocacy, and social movements. It demonstrates
that the “emergence” phase of the “norms life cycle” model (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998) is more internally contested than
currently interpreted. It develops two alternatives to the “boomerang” model of transnational advocacy (Keck and Sikkink 1998).
It highlights and explains differences—rather than similarities—in the framing strategies of actors involved in globalized
protests. It explores the influence of several key “microsociological factors” (Giugni 2002) on the evolution of those stragegies.
Empirically the article focuses on the World Trade Organization's Third Ministerial meeting at Seattle in 1999. It analyzes
why and how social movement actors framed different interpretations of the human rights at stake in the context of international
trade. Framing innovations may have had short-term strategic value at Seattle, but did not lead to a unified understanding
of human rights, either among activists themselves or among the government and corporate actors they sought to influence through
protest. 相似文献
9.
The Denial of Virtue 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Amitai Etzioni 《Society》2008,45(1):12-19
When a New York City man risked his own life to save a stranger on the subway tracks, the New York Times interpreted his behavior
not in terms of virtue but as a product of certain ‘hard-wiring’ he happened to possess. In denying virtue, the Times followed
a school of thought that is pervasive in social science (referred to in this paper as the ‘individualists’) who, for example,
explain charitable donations by pointing out tax deductions, explain volunteer work by revealing the opportunities contained
therein to meet other singles, and so on. Actually, the assumptions and arguments which ground this widespread ‘denial of
virtue’ are both empirically and normatively flawed, and the theory itself is belied by data about people doing good for moral
reasons. Evidence drawn from personal introspection, from empirical studies of human behavior, from analysis of voting as
a civil act, from interpreting peoples’ reaction to Alzheimer’s disease, from critical inspection of the logic of ‘individualist’
social explanations, and from a normative criticism of the products of the ‘individualist’ approach all support a rejection
of the ‘individualist’ approach. The deniers of virtue should heed the evidence and pay mind to the amoralizing consequences
of their erroneous theories.
相似文献
Amitai EtzioniEmail: |
10.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2010,47(6):525-528
This article explores the origins of the medical “malpractice crisis,” and describes the basic social, economic, and political
transformations that led to its emergence and the reasons for its rise. An understanding of these dynamics explains the gap
in awareness about what the doctor/patient relationship is and what it should be, and its correlation to the upsurge in medical
malpractice lawsuits and patient safety programs. The author recommends managing for and conserving the doctor/patient relationship
as the key priority to be tackled in order to put an end to the “crisis” and prevent circumstances that further encourage
it. 相似文献
11.
Laurent Dobuzinskis 《Policy Sciences》1992,25(4):355-380
The complexity of the policy process is such that analysts often resort to metaphorical representations of its most salient
aspects. Sometimes these metaphors are used deliberately but, in most cases, they are implicitly built into their theoretical
frameworks. This article argues that commonly used metaphors based on the paradigmatic notion of ‘control’ have ceased to
be relevant to the analysis of contemporary policy dilemmas. Two new conceptions of the policy process have emerged from the
new sciences of complexity. Both chaos theory and models based on the concept of ‘organizational closure’ clearly reveal the
self-organizing logic inherent in the problems confronting managers and policy-makers today. The main focus here is on examining
the rationales for, and the potentials of, metaphors derived from these paradigmatic innovations - innovations which can be
situated within an emerging postmodern culture insofar as they emphasize indeterminacy and the role played by social actors
in constructing the social situations in which they find themselves. It is also argued, however, that within very specific
contexts the notion of control may still be valid.
The author wishes to thank Michael Howlett for his helpful comments on an earlier draft. 相似文献
12.
Israel W. Charny 《Human Rights Review》2000,1(3):15-39
Conclusion The problem of revisionism, or efforts to deny and censor the incontrovertible history of known genocides, is a growing one.
It is now clear that denial is inevitably a phase of the genocidal process, extending far beyond the immediate politically
expedient denials of governments who are currently engaging in genocidal massacre or have just recently done so—i.e., the
Chinese government's abject denials of the killings of some 5,000 in Tiananmen Square, or the Sri Lanka government's denials
of the state-organized massacre of 5,000 Tamil. Denials of genocide continue long after the event by a variety of groups and
people, including successor governments or successor enemies of the victim people, such as anti-Semites against Jews, Turks
against Armenians, and bigots and celebrants of violence and murder of all sorts. But such denials also occur—and this is
the most perplexing fact—among a variety of not obviously malevolent people, including intellectuals who, in the process of
calling for a better world, effectively exonerate, support, encourage, and participate in denials of a known genocide, implicitly
condoning and even celebrating its occurrence, meanings, and portents for the future. This article is an effort to study and
analyze this latter phenomenon, which has been little recognized. Together with previous essays on the psychology of more
explicit malevolent denials of genocide, the intention is to generate a broader psychological theory of denials of genocide
and revisionism by proposing that there are also a variety of “innocent denials” of the factual reality or significance of
known cases of genocide, and a variety of “innocent disavowals of violence” which in truth celebrate the violence. These “innocent
denials” join with the well-known explicit bigots in creating a vast panorama of dangerous denials of genocides and implicit
calls to new genocides in our world.
The basic thesis of this article has been under development since its first presentation in a plenary address at the Soviet
Academy of sciences in Yerevan, Armenia in 1990 on the occasion of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. 相似文献
13.
Yang Zhong 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(4):335-342
This article attempts to discuss the debate about “indigenizing political science in China” from the logic of comparative
politics. The author believes that the phrase “indigenizing political science in China” is misleading at best and destructive
to political science development in China at worst. The logic of comparative politics is the same as other comparative social
sciences: namely, it is the process of replacing proper names and treating tempo and spatial factors as potential variables
contributing to the explanation of political phenomena. As social scientists, we should not be content in using “local Chinese
conditions” or “special Chinese cultural factors” to explain political behavior and phenomena in China. Instead, we should
decompose the “special Chinese conditions” and “cultural factors” for the deeper meaning of these conditions and factors so
that we can conceptualize and elevate these conditions and factors to a theoretical level. In short, the author favors making
political science study in China more scientific and argues that the future of political science studies in China lies in
replacing the proper name “China” or “Chinese”. 相似文献
14.
Jessica C. Teets 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2012,17(1):15-32
In this paper, I find that the political economy of public goods provision by the local government in Shanghai influenced
the decision to transition from the existing public service delivery model based on residency, to a social innovation model
where the government contracts with non-profits and private firms to provide services at lower costs and experiment with different
levels of provision (购买服务). Contracting also forms a bridge between old governance models and new ones, which potentially
allow for a process of administrative modernization without social instability. Contracting for public-goods provision is
increasing in prevalence not only in Shanghai but also in many other provinces, and is professionalizing participating organizations
and providing public goods to vulnerable populations. While this practice is not yet increasing non-profit participation in
the policy process, the creation of access channels that are currently operating solely in one direction may at some future
date allow groups to participate in relevant policy areas. Contracting public goods might have the potential of significant
effects beyond the term of the contract by increasing pluralism in local public policy and generating more demand for transparency
and accountability of government services. As such, this is an interesting bellwether for future political change in China. 相似文献
15.
Kim Mannemar Sønderskov 《Public Choice》2009,140(1-2):145-160
Does generalized social trust help solve large-N collective action problems? This paper argues so, offering a novel explanation for the relationship: People tend to cooperate if they expect others to be cooperating, which implies that people holding generalized social trust more readily cooperate in large-N dilemmas because they expect that most people will cooperate. The paper tests the explanation in a rigorous design. The analyses show a positive, robust effect of generalized social trust on public good provision, but no effect is found in a joint product situation. This supports the hypothesis, indicating that trust specifically enhances cooperation in collective action dilemmas. 相似文献
16.
Daniel B. Klein 《Society》2009,46(2):137-146
The paper develops the idea of configuration of ownership to distinguish three primary political ideologies: (classical) liberalism, conservatism, and leftism. The liberal configuration
is atomistic in its recognition of owners and ownership claims; it conforms closely to Adam Smith’s “commutative justice,”
which Smith represented as a sort of social grammar. The conservative configuration also strives for a social grammar, but
it counts among the set of owners certain spirit-lords such as God and Patria. The liberal and conservative configurations
become isomorphic if and only if the ownership claims of the conservative spirit-lords are reduced to nothing. The left configuration ascribes fundamental
ownership of resources to the people, the state, and sees laws as organizational house-rules into which one enters voluntary
by choosing to remain within the polity; the type of justice that pertains is parallel to Smith’s “distributive justice,”
which Smith associated with aspirational rules for achieving beauty in composition. The scheme illuminates why the left’s
conception of liberty consists in civil liberties. The formulation of configurations is used to interpret the semantics of the three primary ideologies. Meanwhile, it is noted
that actually existing parties and movements are admixtures of the three primary ideologies. For example, what makes Republicanism
“conservative” is that it is relatively conservative; it by no means thoroughly or consistently rejects the precept of collective ownership by the polity.
相似文献
Daniel B. KleinEmail: |
17.
Herbert Obinger Dr. 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2002,43(2):235-271
Starting from the stylised fact that federal institutions are held to be inimical to welfare state expansion, this paper examines the ways in which federalism has shaped the dynamics of welfare state development in Switzerland and Austria. A comparison of these different federal polities reveals that the welfare breaking effect attached to federalism crucially depends on the extent of vertical power separation. In both countries economic competition among constituent units did not fuel a race to the bottom in social standards. In Switzerland, the most important reason connected to federalism for why federal social policy was delayed and downsized was policy-preemption by the cantons and their considerable influence on the federal policymaking process. In contrast, the Austrian Länder neither had major social policy competencies nor an effective veto power which allowed them to block the centralisation of public policy. Instead, federalism is subordinate to the partisan arena at the central state level which itself is dominated by political parties quite favourable to welfare state expansion. 相似文献
18.
Liberia presents an important opportunity for civil society,national government and the international community to cooperatein rebuilding a post-conflict country in a way that addressesthe essential and elemental basis for building a just and durablepeace. In other words, the country is poised to be a potentialsuccess story, one that could set new trends inhow African people negotiate a post-conflict coexistence onthe basis of shared values, popular participation and economicand social justice. The role of civil society in particularin this process of reconstruction, and specifically issues oftransitional justice, is central to ensuring that policies havebroad input amongst the Liberian population, all of whom havebeen directly impacted by the war. This article outlines thecountry's trajectory from conflict to peace, the challengesof addressing the crimes of the past, the risks to newly establisheddemocratic institutions posed by a truncated or incomplete transitionaljustice program and the role of Liberian civil society bothbroadly in a newly democratic Liberia as well as specificallyin regards to the establishment and functioning of the Truthand Reconciliation Commission. 相似文献
19.
Matthew A. Crenson 《Policy Sciences》1987,20(3):259-276
Conclusion According to the Logic of Collective Action, most actions in the service of common interests are either not logical or not collective. In a large group, the argument
goes, individual action counts for so little in the realization of common interests that it makes no sense for a person to
consider group interests when choosing a course of personal conduct. Only private interests are decisive. Their fulfillment,
at least, depends in a substantial way on one's own behavior. Individual actions designed to achieve private advantage are
therefore rational. Actions aimed at collective goods are a waste of time and effort.
Occasionally, of course, a person acting on the basis of private interests may inadvertently provide some collective good
from which many other people derive benefit. This is what happens in the case of the Greek shipping tycoon. But it occurs
only because one person's private good fortuitously coincides with the collective good of a larger group. From the tycoon's
perspective, there are no collective interests at stake in the sponsorship of an opera broadcast, only his own private interests.
Nor does his decision to underwrite a broadcast take account of the other people who will listen to it. His action is a solitary
one designed to serve a private interest, and it is perfectly consistent with Olson's argument concerning the illogic of collective
action, because it is not grounded in collective interest and is not a case of collective behavior.
Olson's theory permits people to share collective interests but not to act upon them voluntarily. The only acknowledged exception
occurs in the case of very small groups, where each member's contribution to the common good represents such a large share
of the total that any person's default becomes noticeable to others and may lead them to reduce or cancel their own contributions.
In this instance, at least, one person's actions can make a perceptible difference for the chance of realizing collective
interests, and it is therefore sensible for each person to consider these collective interests (and one another's conduct)
when deciding whether or not to support group efforts. Outside of small groups, however, Olson finds no circumstances in which
voluntary collective action is rational.
But in fact the conditions that make collective action rational are broader than this and perhaps more fundamental to Olson's
theory. They are inherent in the very ‘collectiveness’ of collective goods - their status as social or group artifacts. In
the absence of a group, there can be no such thing as a collective good. But in the absence of mutual awareness and interdependence,
it becomes extremely difficult to conceive of a social group. The assumption that group members are uninfluenced by one another's
contributions to a collective good is no mere theoretical simplification. It may be a logical impossibility. Being a member
of a group, even a very large one, implies at the very least that one's own conduct takes place against a background of group
behavior. Olson's assumptions do not acknowledge this minimal connection between individual and group behavior, and they inhibit
recognition of the elementary social processes that explain why slovenly conduct attracts special attention on clean streets,
or why the initial violations of group norms are more momentous than later violations.
It may be argued, of course, that the groups of Olson's theory are not functioning social groups with a collective existence,
but only categories or classes of people who happen to share a collective interest. The logic of collective action is intended
precisely to show why these ‘potential’ groups are prevented from converting themselves into organized social groups whose
members act in a coordinated way. In such latent groups, perhaps, members are unaware of one another, and Olson's assumption
that they are uninfluenced by one another's conduct becomes a reasonable one. Another implication, however, is that Olson's
theory is subject to unacknowledged restrictions. The logic of the free ride is for potential groups. It may not hold for
actual ones. The distinction is exemplified, in the case of public sanitation, by the difference between what is rational
on a clean street and what is rational on a dirty one.
The logic of the free ride does not make sense for the members of an ongoing group that is already operating to produce collective
goods such as public order or public sanitation. While this represents a notable limitation upon the scope of Olson's theory,
it apparently leaves the logic of collective action undisturbed where potential or latent groups are concerned. But suppose
that a member of an unmobilized group wants her colleagues to contribute to the support of a collective good that she particularly
values. Her problem is to create a situation in which such contributions make sense to her fellow members. As we have already
seen in the case of the neighborhood street-sweeper, one possible solution is to provide the collective good herself. If it
has the appropriate characteristics, its very existence may induce other members of the latent group to contribute to its
maintenance. This is not one of those cases in which one person's private interest fortuitously coincides with the collective
interest of a larger group. The neighborhood street-sweeper is acting on behalf of an interest that she is conscious of sharing
with her neighbors. Her aim is to arouse collective action in support of that interest. She does not expect to pay for public
cleanliness all by herself, or to enjoy its benefits all by herself.
Her role bears a general resemblance to the one that some analysts have defined for the political entrepreneur who seeks to
profit personally by supplying a collective good to the members of a large group (Frohlich, Oppenheimer, and Young 1971).
Like the neighborhood street-sweeper, the entrepreneur finds it advantageous to confer a collective benefit on others. But
the similarity does not extend to the nature of the advantage or the manner in which it is secured. The entrepreneur induces
people to contribute toward the cost of a collective good by creating an organizational apparatus through which group members
can pool their resources. The existence of this collection mechanism can also strengthen individual members' confidence that
their colleagues' contributions are forthcoming. What the entrepreneur gains is private profit - the difference between the
actual cost of a collective good and the total amount that group members are prepared to pay for it.
By contrast, the neighborhood street-sweeper induces support for a collective good, not by facilitating contributions, but
by increasing the costs that come from the failure to contribute. As a result of her efforts, she gains a clean street whose
benefits (and costs) she shares with her fellow residents. She takes her profit in the form of collective betterment rather
than private gain, and her conduct, along with the behavior of her neighbors, demonstrates that effective selfinterest can
extend beyond private interest.
Self-interest can also give rise to continuing cooperative relationships. The street-sweeper, acting in her own interest,
brings into being a cooperative enterprise in which she and her fellow residents jointly contribute to the production of a
collective good. Cooperation in this case does not come about through negotiation or exchange among equal parties. It can
be the work of a single actor who contributes the lion's share of the resources needed to establish a collective good, in
the expectation that its existence will induce others to join in maintaining it. The tactic is commonplace as a means of eliciting
voluntary collective action, and it operates on a scale far larger than the street or the neighborhood. Government, paradoxically,
probably relies on it more than most institutions With its superior power and resources, it may be society's most frequent
originator of voluntary collective action. Its policies, imposed through coercion and financed by compulsory taxation, generate
a penumbra of cooperation without which coercion might become ineffectual. By providing certain collective goods, government
authorities can move citizens to make voluntary contributions to the maintenance of these goods. The stark dichotomy between
private voluntary action and public coercion - one of the mainstays of American political rhetoric - may be as misleading
as the identification of self-interest with selfishness.
There is more at stake here than the voluntary production of collective goods. Continuing cooperative behavior can have other
results as well. Once group members begin to expect cooperation from one another, norms of cooperation and fairness are likely
to develop. Axelrod (1986) has suggested that modes of conduct which have favorable outcomes for the people who pursue them
tend to evolve into group norms. Public-spirited action that serves self-interest could therefore engender a principled attachment
to the common good, undermining the assumption of self-interestedness that gives the logic of collective action its bite.
Laboratory studies of cooperative behavior have already demonstrated that experimental subjects have far less regard for narrow
self-interest than rational choice theory requires (Dawes 1980). In one extended series of collective action experiments,
however, Marwell and Ames (1981) found a single group of subjects who approximated the self-interested free-riders of Olson's
theory. They were graduate students in economics. 相似文献
20.
The social function of humor may be considered to have two aspects. The first is that of the relationships within a group
and the social system within which personal acquaintance and interaction between and among group members exist. The second
is that of society as a whole or of social phenomena. Here, humor’s role being to reform certain aspects of social life. Bergson’s
theory deals mainly with this “corrective” characteristic of humor. In this article, both of these aspects are discussed. 相似文献