The Fight Against Organised Crime in Europe: A Comparative Perspective

This article provides an overview of the measures and actions taken by the Member States of the European Union in their fight against organised crime and transborder crime. The Action Plan to Combat Organized Crime adopted by the Ministers for Justice and Home Affairs during the Dutch EU Presidency, submitted some 30 recommendations with respect to greater harmonisation regarding the fight against organised crime in the EU Member States. The author gives a concise summary of the most relevant changes and the structural characteristics per Member State, paying attention to developments in the specific countries and the organisations involved. One of the conclusions reached is that few or no reforms within national investigative and prosecution authorities may be directly traced back to the regulatory impulses of the EU. Although the EU Action Plan has not yet realised a convergence of the systems, the European process of integration has increased the mutual transparency and knowledge of one another's systems.     

Trafficking in Human Beings: The EU Approach between Border Control, Law Enforcement and Human Rights

The fight against trafficking in human beings has been high on the political agenda of international organisations, regional organisations and states for more than a decade. The European Union (EU) and the international community continuously reaffirm their commitment to work jointly in countering the phenomenon. After years of arguing over a common definition and approach that culminated in the first international definition in 2000, it could be assumed that the international and European definitions solve the issue of how to define and counter trafficking in human beings. Still, the debate on how to understand and approach the problem has not ceased to exist. In particular, the dominant opposition between a rights-based and a law enforcement approach has not been dissolved by calls for holistic or multi-faceted approaches. The aim of this article is to identify the approach taken by the EU, looking out for conceptual (in-)consistencies, underlying assumptions and convictions. The rationale guiding EU action is extracted and questioned by disclosing silenced aspects and contrasting them to their reappearance in other legal instruments. It is argued that the humanitarian intentions of victim protection are overshadowed by general anti-immigration conveniences. The approach taken by the EU not only provokes the somewhat artificial opposition between innocent victim and guilty migrant, but it can easily fall prey to deeply entrenched gender and racial stereotypes.     

Non-governmental Organisation Participation in the EU Law-making Process: The Example of Social Non-governmental Organisations at the Commission, Parliament and Council

Abstract:  This article explores the avenues used by non-governmental organisations working in the sector of EU social policy to influence the law-making process at the EU. The Commission's current transparency initiative has focused attention on the rules (or lack of) governing access to the Commission as the initiator of legislation. This article examines more broadly, on the basis of interviews, both the formal and informal means of accessing not only the Commission, but also the European Parliament (in particular through intergroups) as well as the Council. By using specific examples of legislation it illustrates the routes by which 'social' non-governmental organisations currently interact with these institutions, offering examples of how their work may impact on the output of the Commission, Council and Parliament. The article avoids an overly legalistic analysis with an original glimpse at the 'hidden' workings of the EU law-making process which has hitherto received little attention among legal academics and practitioners.     

The Temporal Paradox of Regions in the EU Seeking Independence: Contraction and Fragmentation versus Widening and Deepening?

This article investigates the possibility of regional entities within EU Member States to become EU Member States in their own right following their secession from their mother state. International law does not automatically allow such regions to remain EU Member States since it refers this issue back to the constituent instruments of international organisations and a reading of both the EU Treaties and the ECJ's jurisprudence seems to preclude such a ‘continued membership’. The article then further explores the legal issues which could arise during the accession process of the newly independent state. After suggesting solutions to bridge the gap between its secession and its own EU membership, it is argued that the key challenge for such a region would be to ensure a smooth transition, without the loss of prerogatives under EU law, from being an EU region to an EU Member State proper.     

Rational lobbying and EU climate policy

Using a simple rational choice model as a heuristic device, this paper explores the lobbying behaviour of environmental and business organisations in the field of climate policy and discusses why their lobbying behaviour differs. I find that environmental organisations lobby less than what would be considered rational according to the simple rational choice model, and argue that this might largely be explained by tight budget constraints. I also find that business organisations lobby more than what would be considered rational according to the model, and argue that this might be explained if one applies a long-term perspective on rational lobbying in the policy field rather than a short-term perspective on single policy decisions. Moreover, I find that the type of lobbying differs. While environmental organisations focus on single policy decisions, business organisations also invest in general lobbying. The analysis is based on interviews with interest organisations lobbying in the field of climate policy at the European Union (EU) level.

Supremacy or Primacy of EU Law—(Why) Does it Matter?

Even 50 years on the principle of supremacy or primacy is still surrounded with ambiguity, which is apparent already on the level of semantics. The principle has not carried a single name, but three. This paper argues that a disparity in the denomination of the principle amounts to much more than semantics. It exhibits conceptual differences. Different conceptualisations of the principle of primacy or supremacy entail different models of structural principles of EU law: the hierarchical, the conditionally hierarchical and the heterarchical model. These are no mere theoretical constructions; rather they have influenced concrete practices of EU law, including the most recent Kücükdeveci case as well as the Lisbon decision of the German Constitutional Court. While none of the three models has yet found an unequivocal and conclusive endorsement in the EU practice, there are compelling theoretical and practical reasons for which one of them should be preferred over the others. Whether EU law has supremacy or primacy therefore matters.     

Democratic Accountability and National Parliaments: Redefining the Impact of Parliamentary Scrutiny in EU Affairs

Abstract:  The question of strengths and weaknesses of national parliaments in EU affairs, one of the most salient in the debate on the democratic legitimacy of the EU, is generally answered by assessing formal parliamentary powers which can influence their governments' EU policy. Such an evaluation, however, is flawed: Formal mandating rights are usually incompatible with the overall logic of parliamentary systems, which explains why most national parliaments make very little use of them. Even more importantly, it unduly reduces parliamentary functions to the legislative or policy-making function. Drawing on agency theory, it will instead be argued that the functions of public deliberation and of holding the government publicly to account are at least as important and therefore need to be included in a redefined concept of parliamentary strength. In particular, the article proposes a distinction between two different elements of accountability—monitoring and political scrutiny—which recognises parliamentary majority and opposition as two distinct agents of the electorate.     

‘All About That Bass’? Is non‐ideal‐weight discrimination unlawful in the UK?

People of non‐ideal‐weight (overweight or severely underweight) are subjected to discrimination, in the workplace and elsewhere, based on attitudinal assumptions and negative inferences from their membership of a group, such as that they are insufficiently self‐motivated to make good employees. But is that discrimination unlawful in the UK? The Equality Act 2010 offers only a very tenuous route for protection, because the Act is based largely on a ‘medical model’ of disability. EU law, which embraces a ‘social model’ of disability, drawing from the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, offers more, at least in theory. But the mechanisms for enforcing individual EU law rights mean that entitlements in EU law are likely to be enforceable in practice only against state employers. This situation leaves a gap in the law which is remediable only by legislative reform.     

From Balance to Conflict: A New Constitution for the EU

As the crisis (and the Union's response to it) further develops, one thing appears clear: the European Union post‐crisis will be a very different animal from the pre‐crisis EU. This article offers an alternative model for the EU's constitutional future. Its objective is to invert the Union's current path‐dependency: changes to the way in which the Union works should serve to question, rather than entrench, its future objectives and trajectory. The paper argues that the post‐crisis EU requires a quite different normative, institutional and juridical framework. Such a framework must focus on reproducing the social and political cleavages that underlie authority on the national level and that allow divisive political choices to be legitimised. This reform project implies reshaping the prerogatives of the European institutions. Rather than seeking to prevent or bracket political conflict, the division of institutional competences and tasks should be rethought in order to allow the EU institutions to internalise within their decision‐making process the conflicts reproduced by social and political cleavages. Finally, a reformed legal order must play an active role as a facilitator and container of conflict over the ends of the integration project.     

Retrieving the ‘subject’ of European integration

In this article, a critical reinterpretation of citizens as subjects of European integration moves the focus of EU law from EU citizens' subjection to their subjectification. This analysis draws on post‐structural social theory in arguing that the law is instrumental to securing the material conditions for transnational political subjectification because it regulates both EU citizens' access to transnational social relations and the perception of difference between them. However, the law also reinforces constraints on the process of transnational subjectification. Systematic obstacles, which must be taken into account, are not limited to economic status, but include other variables like gender or age. It will be argued on this basis that EU law needs to develop a more coherent politics of subjectivity. Towards this goal, the law must carefully attend to what is (and is not) depoliticising in EU citizenship rights.     

Report on the Second China-ASEAN Expo: 18-21 October 2005, Nanning, Guangxi, China

This report begins with a brief historical sketch of eventsleading up to the conclusion of the Framework Agreement on ComprehensiveEconomic Cooperation between ASEAN and CHINA in 2002 and themaximum utilization of their collective efforts to implementthe establishment of CHINA–ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA)for China and ASEAN Six by 2010, and for China and ASEAN asa whole by 2015. The Second CAFTA Expo at Nanning on 18–21October 2005 provided yet another yardstick to assess the progressachieved as well as a platform from which to launch future practicalmeasures to accelerate the realization of their joint endeavorsto set up a super regional Free Trade Area of 1.85 billion ASEANand Chinese consumers, and an ideal investment area coveringthe entire mainland China and all ASEAN countries. The SecondNanning Expo 2005, like its predecessor the year before, servedas an effective tool: (1) to place goods and services availablewithin the CHINA–ASEAN Greater Region on display at theexhibition pavilions; (2) to provide facilities and opportunitiesfor the Business and Investment Summit meetings for traders,investors and members of the ASEAN Chamber of Commerce and theirChinese counterparts to gather together for closer consultationon the cultivation of their joint projects; and (3) to organizethe CHINA–ASEAN Legal Affairs Forum for brainstormingsessions to work out practical ways and means to implement theircombined plan of actions, notably to devise a functioning legalmachinery to ensure further inter-regional economic integration.It is gratifying, at the end of the day, to be able to witnessat close range the rebirth and phenomenal natural growth ofa new breed of Chinese and ASEAN transnational legal scholarsand practitioners actively at work. The heritage of ASEAN–Chineselegal scholarship is apparent and distinctive.     

What GDPR tells about certification

The EU lawmaker has introduced several certification models in the GDPR. A first model entitles accredited private certification bodies to design and manage certification schemes under the close monitoring of the supervisory authorities. Another model gives to the supervisory authorities the opportunity to design and manage their own schemes. The EU lawmaker has also left the door open to the establishment of schemes at the margin of the data protection framework. Nothing in the GDPR prohibits to create certification schemes outside Articles 42/43 regime. The diversity of arrangements shows that certification is a flexible system capable of adapting to many different situations and environments. This is also a free market that proves to be difficult, if not impossible, to entirely monitor. These basic features challenge the attempt of the EU lawmaker to monitor the design and management of certification schemes in the GDPR. The GDPR also tells that the definition of certification suggested by the European Data Protection Board does not fully map this notion as designed in the GDPR. The data protection regulation offers a much more detailed picture of certification than the one proposed by the European Data Protection Board. The GDPR shows that the nature of certification is driven by the context in which this instrument is used. The analysis of the monitoring process of the codes of conduct set in Article 41 GDPR contributes, by contrast, to clarify the very nature certification. It shows that this is neither the attestation of conformity nor the conformity assessment that best defines certification.     

Resolving Deadlock: Why International Organisations Introduce Soft Law

Abstract:  Since the mid-1990s the European Union has introduced a number of policy coordination processes that abstain from delegating or pooling sovereignty. Instead the EU relies on soft law that does not legally bind governments in the same way as the Community Method used to. The literature assumes that soft law is chosen to achieve common objectives given considerable diversity among the Member States. In contrast, this paper suggests that non-binding coordination is first and foremost a means to foster compromises in the absence of substantial agreements. Three case studies demonstrate that international organisations have repeatedly relied on soft law to overcome disagreements among their members. The IMF, the OECD, and the EU introduced soft coordination at times of institutional crisis to prevent a breakdown of negotiations.     

从《东盟宪章》看东盟的决策机制

《东盟宪章》是一份适应东盟自身现状特点的法律文件,从《东盟宪章》对东盟决策机制的规定来看,它充分肯定了决策机制在长达40年的功绩,保留了反映东盟特色的决策方式,同时也完善了它的决策机构,这将使东盟成为一个更具凝聚力、更有效率和更以规则为基础的组织,促进东盟走向以宪章为本的共同体。     

Competition Law and IP Licensing: a refreshing analysis of the modern approach

Technology Transfer and the New EU Competition Rules is a refreshing,invigorating ‘from first principles’ explanationof how IP licensing agreements should be analysed for compliancewith the new EU competition law regime. The modernized competitionlaw regime is only ‘new’ in the sense that it hasbeen in existence for less than three years, but the authorscan be forgiven this slightly liberal use of the word, giventhat their aim throughout the book is very obviously to shakeintellectual property and competition lawyers out of the oldcomfortable, rigid, formulaic approach to IP, and into a worldwhere a much more fluid and arguably sophisticated approachis required.     

The reasonable citizen: A model for bridging ethics and politics in the EU

The ethical-political model of the EU needs normative rethinking after the pandemic. Using Dworkin's ‘thesis of continuity’ between ethics and politics, I argue that a strong model of the citizen, called on to exercise duties and civic virtues, is badly needed by the EU. The legitimacy of EU political institutions is not enough, if we want to promote the participation of citizens to their functioning. The basic point is that of arguing in favour of the model of ‘the reasonable citizen’, aimed to overcome the dominant liberal model of ‘citizenship as rights’. This is shown by the ‘European Social Model’, but its weaknesses need to be supplemented by a republican conception. In order for the reasonable citizen not to be just an abstract ideal, some measure of operationalisation is proposed through ‘progressively increasing constellations of common identities’; these rely on and respect the multiple demoi of the EU.     

Variations in Member States’ Preliminary References to the Court of Justice—Are Structural Factors (Part of) the Explanation?

The preliminary reference procedure in Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), which enables national courts to request the Court of Justice to provide a ruling on the interpretation or validity of an EU legal act, is widely considered to be the jewel in the crown of EU law. When considering the number of references from different Member States, it will become immediately apparent that there are considerable variations. This article examines to what extent these variations may be explained by three structural factors, namely (1) population size, (2) willingness to litigate and (3) Member State compliance with EU law. It is concluded that some—but not all—of the variations in number of references from Member State judiciaries may be attributed to structural factors rather than being merely a reflection of different Member State courts’ willingness to make use of Article 267 TFEU on such references (the so‐called behavioural factors).     

Privatisation and Pensions: Some Pitfalls for Women?

This article pursues two themes. The first describes EU pension provision and how this has changed since the early 1980s. The arguments and proposals for further reform by influential organisations such as the World Bank are then examined. In the light of this analysis, the paper argues that while EU pension reform to date has been concerned primarily with adjusting detailed rules, some proposals presently being canvassed point to more radical reform amounting to 'privatisation'. Privatisation is here taken to mean the end of state and employer financing of pension provision for individuals and the substitution of national and company schemes by individual pension and personal savings plans. The second theme of the article is an evaluation of the extent to which existing and possible future pension provision in the EU facilitates or hinders access by people (predominantly women) who are outside the labour market, who are engaged in certain forms of paid work and who are engaged in unpaid caring work. The paper reveals that while access to existing pension schemes is restricted in respect of the first two groups of people, compensatory rules serve to ensure the continued access of those engaged in unpaid caring work. Bringing together the two themes of women's access and pension reform, the paper concludes by arguing that women carers would be disadvantaged were privatisation of pensions in the EU to go ahead.     

Regulatory competition in European company law

States have customarily tended to compete with one another. Not always, however, is this tendency, or the underlying methods put to use, obvious. That states (provincial divisions in the US) were competing to attract incorporations by relaxing their regulatory standards, couldn’t be seriously observed and highlighted until mid-1970s. Today, a few would doubt the existence of regulatory competition in corporate law in the US. In this paper, the author examines the issue whether the EU is (likely to be) engaged in regulatory competition in the area of company law. Answering the question in affirmative, the author proceeds to examine the strength of the race to the bottom and the race to the top theories, as developed and argued in the US, for the European setting. Since the legal systems of Member States of the EU have certain very disparate “core values” along which those systems have historically developed, relaxation of standards in the EU would take place against different variables. Because of the multitude of variables, comparable variables are unlikely to yield comparable results; either of the race theories is unlikely to satisfactorily predict the regulatory behaviour of EU Member States. Instead, since “laxation” in respect of one variable would be met by “optimisation” in respect of the other, there is likely to be simultaneous races to the top and to the bottom among the EU Member States.     

Restricting the import of ‘emission credits’ in the EU: a power struggle between states and institutions

This article examines the development of a cap on the use of so-called ‘project credits’ in the EU emissions trading scheme. It investigates how the issue of such a limit was addressed in the negotiations of the Linking Directive, and how it has been dealt with in the later implementation of this directive. The article applies two explanatory approaches: one based on intergovernmentalist theory, assuming that the cap reflected the preferences of the EU Member States; and one based on the multi-level governance model, assuming that the cap expressed the preferences of EU institutions rather than Member States. What is found is a two-stage development: during the negotiations of the Linking Directive, Member States managed to secure a no-cap solution allowing extensive use of the project credits. In the later implementation phase, however, when the emissions trading scheme was up and running and a certain legitimacy for the system had been established, the Commission managed to ‘regain control’ by bringing back a cap. Thus, the project credit cap—and by that, the very nature of the EU emissions trading scheme—has been the subject of a continuing power struggle within the EU—and different theoretical perspectives explain different stages of this process.