试析瓦希德政府对华政策与华人政策

1999年 1 0月印尼瓦希德政府产生 ,开始了民主改革的进程。瓦希德政府的国内外政策发生了重大变化 ,其对华政策和华人政策作了什么调整 ?政策实施过程与实质进展怎样 ?发展趋势如何 ?本文将作进一步分析和探讨。     

从同化政策到多元文化政策--谈印尼政府华侨华人政策的变化

本文简要介绍了印尼在苏加诺特别是苏哈托政府统治时期对华人实行的强迫同化政策和瓦希德执政以来实行的多元文化政策的主要内容和影响,并分析了这些政策产生的国内外背景.     

关于印尼华人融入当地主流社会的问卷调查

印尼苏哈托政权垮台后 ,先后诞生了瓦希德政府和梅加瓦蒂政府 ,华人社会发生了巨大而深刻的变化。华人在政治、经济、社会文化等方面融入当地主流社会的程度如何 ?笔者就此作了两次社会调查。这里 ,将两次调查的结果加以分析 ,仅供大家参考。     

90年代末印尼毒品形势

本文介绍印尼 90年代末毒品泛滥的情况 ,分析其成因 ,社会各界的反应 ,以及瓦希德总统和印尼政府的态度。     

瓦希德上台后的印尼内外政策趋向

本文分析了阿卜杜拉·拉赫曼·瓦希德上台后的印尼内外政策趋向 ,指出新政府将面临改革军队 ,巩固领土完整等诸多挑战。     

苏哈托掌管下的武装部队——印尼新秩序政权的基石

苏哈托掌管下的武装部队———印尼新秩序政权的基石沙林·沙易德著刘艺译１９９０年，印尼穆斯林知识分子协会（ＩＣＭＩ）在苏哈托的支持下宣告成立。伊斯兰教师阿联合会（ＮＵ）的领导人、政治活动家阿卜杜拉赫曼·瓦希德把此事解释成是苏哈托在印尼武装部队（ＡＢＲＴ...     

后苏哈托时代的印尼军人政治

印尼前任总统苏哈托时期(1966-1998年)所提倡的双重职能(dwifungsi)军政一体化教条随着印尼民主化进程而结束,军人参政失去了合法性来源.改革派政治领袖如前任总统瓦希德执政时期(1999-2001年)和梅加瓦蒂时期(2001-2004年)积极建立以文人统治为主的政府.军人参政在印尼民主化时代似乎不会再出现.然而,在苏哈托专政时期享有崇高政治地位的印尼军人未能完全接受民主化时代的文人统治模式.许多具有军人背景的政治人物开始以不同身份和方式试图重返政治舞台,充分利用民主化时代的机制来宣扬自己的理念和政治纲领,寻求民众对他们的支持.本文探讨印尼军人在后苏哈托时代,如何利用民主选举方式寻求合法性,以及将来可能带来的影响.     

东帝汶事件后印(尼)澳关系走向及其影响

在印尼发生地区政治动荡后 ,澳大利亚奉行新的外交政策即“霍华德主义” ,积极地介入该地区的安全事务 ,一度成为美国在此地区的政策代言人 ,并由此引起印尼的不满 ,在印尼新总统瓦希德上台执政后 ,印尼政府调整了对外政策 ,主动发展同包括中国在内的亚洲各国的友好关系 ,为我国在此地区发挥积极影响提供了历史契机。     

文武关系与民主转型——印度尼西亚个案研究(1998—2014)

在20世纪末的金融危机中,印尼结束了苏哈托统治的"新秩序"时代,开启了"后苏哈托"时代的民主转型。1998至2014年,先后上台的哈比比、瓦希德、梅加瓦蒂和苏西洛相继对印尼进行了民主化改革。"后苏哈托"时代的印尼民主转型面临的重大问题之一就是如何进行文武关系改革,让这一支"政治的军队"变成"制度的军队"。本文以文武关系的变革为切入点,探寻"后苏哈托"时代的印尼民主转型历程,认为文武关系的变革不仅影响民主转型,民主转型也将影响对军队的民主控制。在实现对军队的文官控制的过程中,还必须加强文官控制的民主化程度。如果文官政府能够提供有效的民主治理,民主的规则和程序能够被广泛接受,暴力活动和政治斗争的程度较低,军队将很难返     

试析后苏哈托时代印尼对华政策的变化

1998年"五月骚乱"后,苏哈托政权垮台,印尼进入后苏哈托时代.后苏哈托时代的印尼历届政府调整了对华政策,在政治、经济、安全等领域都表现出友好合作的特征.本文具体研究了印尼历届政府对华政策的变化,并分析其对华政策调整的原因.     

Bringing the Citizen Back In: Democratic Dimensions of Local Reforms in Germany and Japan

Since the 1990s, local governments in many countries have responded to the crisis of public finances, legitimacy, and a low level of performance with a combination of territorial and functional reforms, and the introduction of management and political reforms. This article focuses on the latter by analyzing new modes of citizen participation in Germany and Japan. It will employ theoretical assumptions from the local governance debate in order to explore the democratic dimensions of local government reforms. The question considered is concerned with the political context for new modes of participation and whether they can offer opportunities for an improvement of local democracy in terms of an increase in legitimacy and political capacity building for citizens. The conclusion will be reached that while we would expect more favorable preconditions in Germany with regard to a positive impact on local democracy, the opposite is the case: a relatively weak tradition of local autonomy and low resources of civil society actors in Japan explains their focus on co-production of services with local governments but at the same time offers greater opportunities for an improvement in local democracy.     

A Tale of Three Cities: Electoral Accountability in Indonesian Local Politics

In Indonesia, local government is endowed with important policy prerogatives and local politics is key to advance social welfare. The literature on Indonesian local politics has convincingly exposed serious limitations in local democratic practices, and it has questioned the ability of local democracy to promote genuine political change. This work, however, predominantly focuses on elite politics and specific forms of accountability based on patronage and clientelism. In this paper, we study democratic accountability in Indonesia from a different perspective. Drawing from the comparative literature on voting behavior, we hypothesize that Indonesian voters evaluate local politicians for their performance, and that they vote to reward or punish them for what they do in office. The analysis of three original surveys conducted in the cities of Medan, Samarinda and Surabaya offers partial support for this argument. While there is a positive relationship between evaluations of local government performance and support for incumbents, the strength of this link varies substantially across individuals and cities. The results shed new light on voter-politician linkages in Indonesia, suggesting that forms of accountability different from clientelism may emerge in this large and diverse country.     

You Win Some, You Lose Some: Constitutional Reforms in Chile's Transition to Democracy

Chile's 1989 constitutional reforms constituted a trade-off: the military gave up protected democracy provisions but acquired greater autonomy. The democratic opposition could accept or reject, but not modify, constitutional changes proposed by the outgoing dictatorship. This study addresses a very limited time period in the transition to democracy: the moment after the transition has been secured and transitional rules have been established. The dynamics of this period differ markedly from those in the larger democratic transition. The approach in this study complements alternative explanations of why the 1989 reforms benefited the outgoing dictatorship more than the incoming democratic government. Although the outgoing regime granted several opposition demands by reducing restrictions on political pluralism and eliminating barriers to political party activity, it also secured provisions that made the military more independent of civilian authorities than originally conceived in the 1980 Constitution.     

Patronage politics, donor reforms, and regime consolidation in Uganda

Using the state and its resources has constituted a vital formof consolidating power for Africa’s rulers. However, donor-sponsoredreforms have threatened to curtail the opportunities of Africanleaders to maintain their regimes in power. Donor reforms introducedunder structural adjustment programmes have sought to reducethe size and scope of government as well as to cut state spendingand thereby curb the possibilities of state patronage. Reformshave also attempted to contain corruption and improve stategovernance. In Uganda, however, the relationship between donorsand the government has reproduced patronage government. Thedonors have hailed Uganda as a major case of economic successin Africa. They have provided it with large amounts of financialassistance to support the implementation of reforms. High levelsof foreign aid have provided the government with public resourcesto sustain the patronage basis of the regime. Moreover, in acontext where wide discretionary authority was conferred ongoverning elites in the implementation of reforms, public resourcescould be used in unaccountable and non-transparent ways to helpthe government maintain its political dominance. The donorshave begun to realize belatedly that they have been proppingup a corrupt government in Uganda.     

试论后苏哈托时代印尼华人社团与印尼多元和谐社会的构建

"构建多元和谐的印尼社会"是印尼新政府在民主化转型进程中提出的重要执政理念,其具体实践端赖于当地社会与华人社会的互动与建构.1998年后,多元和谐理念在印尼新时期国家政治生活中的实践促进了印尼华人社团的解禁与蓬勃发展,华人社团也由此得以在社会、文教、政治和经济领域主动融入当地社会,全面参与印尼多元和谐社会的构建.     

An introduction to the articles on Indonesia

Abstract

In May 1987, general elections will be held in Indonesia. These will be the fifth such elections since the country's independence in 1945, and the contesting parties will be the government electoral organization, GOLKAR, which convincingly won the last elections, the largely Muslim PPP (Unity Development party), and the small Christian and nationalist PDI (Indonesian Democratic party). After the previous elections in 1982, the Indonesian government made the claim that the proceedings had been “direct, general, free and secret,” and indeed it was difficult to find more than incidental evidence of fraud or manipulation in the conduct of the poll itself. However, this attempt by “Pancasila Democracy” to claim kinship with the Western democratic tradition studiously ignored the context of political restriction which has operated in Indonesia for the last three decades. Since such claims are likely to be revised after the coming elections to suggest that the power of the New Order government of President Suharto rests on the active consent of the people, the editors of the Bulletin have thought it appropriate to devote this issue to a closer examination of the recent political history of Indonesia.     

Grandes expectativas: la democracia mexicana y sus descontentos

There is no doubt that democracy in México has fallen short of expectations: it has not increased social and economic equality. Few people deem their participation in politics is now more effective than before, the elected government often fails to meet citizens' demands, and some regions of the country are seemingly under the control of violent drug cartels. These faults certainly fuel the voters' discontent with the democratic regime. The aim of this paper though is to focus on other less apparent sources of the existing intense political dissatisfaction. Mexicans are unsatisfied with their democratic government not only because it has not provided them with the social goods they are realistically or not expecting from democracy. They are also unhappy due to the perceived gap between an idealized notion of democracy and the way the existing democratic institutions actually work, as an odd ahistorical image of democracy has been constructed. The major claim of this work is that the critical standard of democracy assumed by Mexicans is inaccurate. It will be argued that this ideological misconception has had pernicious effects, as it has nurtured unreasonable expectations and has inhibited Mexicans from considering feasible reforms. It will be also examined in particular the role played by the pursuit of equity.     

Fighting the Hellhounds: Pro-democracy Activists and Party Politics in Post-Suharto Indonesia

In the literature on post-Suharto Indonesia, an increasingly dominant stream has portrayed the political system as being hijacked by predatory elite interests associated with the fallen New Order regime. While such characterisations describe important elements of the post-1998 polity, they do not tell the full story. At the same time that patronage-driven career politicians have staked their claims in the newly democratic state, a large number of civil society activists also started to play an active role in formal politics. This article illustrates how human rights advocates, women activists and labour leaders have tried to promote their causes not from the margins of civil society, but from within the power centre of political institutions. To be sure, some activists-turned-politicians have failed in this effort, but others have initiated key pieces of legislation that led to ground-breaking reforms. In comparative terms, the article demonstrates that Indonesian activists have created an effective political niche for themselves, avoiding both the patterns of state co-optation so prevalent in South Korea and the anti-system attitudes of activist politicians in Malaysia.     

Prospects for Islam in post‐Soeharto Indonesia∗

The Islamic parties combined may win a majority of the popular vote in the general elections in Indonesia in June, says Professor Mitsuo Nakamura of the Department of Cultural Anthropology, Chiba University, but there is virtually no possibility that so‐called “Islamic fundamentalism” will gain influence, and little likelihood that a solid Islamic bloc dominating both legislative and executive bodies of the government would initiate a comprehensive program of Islamization. In this article, Nakamura discusses the implications of the growing number of Islamic political parties for the future of Indonesian politics, and whether the emergence of these parties is likely to be detrimental or conducive to the reconstruction of Indonesia's national life on a more democratic footing.