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每一座城市都在其历史进程中不断演绎出自己的品格和内涵,形成城市的魅力,而这魅力必然源于文化.阜新拥有独特的文化,也就让这座城市拥有了独特的魅力.……  相似文献   

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Harvey Sicherman 《Orbis》2011,55(3):416-437
The author assesses the long life of Robert Strausz-Hupé and the many roles he played: immigrant, professor, author, diplomat and think tank founder.  相似文献   

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The Brussels Agreement signed between Britain and Spain in 1984 aimed to resolve all aspects of the dispute over Gibraltar, including sovereignty, which dated back to the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713. Desultory progress was made in negotiations until 2001, when the British Government decided to attempt to negotiate a joint sovereignty agreement. From the outset two non-negotiable ('red-line') issues on Britain's part were established: the agreement must be permanent, and it must be subject to a referendum in Gibraltar. As the negotiations progressed, a third 'red-line' issue emerged: Britain insisted on retaining control of Gibraltar's military facilities. The article explores how this third issue emerged and the possible reasons why it did so following 9/11.  相似文献   

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The study examines Pat Robertson's use of The 700 Club television program to establish and sustain celebrity status and in turn to promote partisan politics through seemingly objective news accounts. The findings indicate that The 700 Club news segments consistently rely on narrative techniques that mask Robertson's intensely partisan content and provide what Kenneth Burke terms symbolic medicine for his particular audience.  相似文献   

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《Orbis》2018,62(1):56-75
This article explores George H.W. Bush's foreign policy in order to examine what it can tell us about the successes and weaknesses of conservative internationalism as a world view and as an analytic construct for scholars of international relations. First, to what extent, if any, did the Bush administration's foreign policy reflect the course and logic of conservative internationalism? Second, what can the Bush administration's foreign policy tell us about the utility of conservative internationalism as a foreign policy approach relative to alternative approaches?  相似文献   

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小布什 1月 2 0日宣誓就任美国总统以来 ,将国防作为其优先考虑的问题 ,极力主张“以实力求和平” ,对外表现出咄咄逼人的架势 ,不时显示自己的强硬立场。小布什政府在检查和评估现行军事政策的基础上 ,拟定了新的军事战略 ,展现了新政府“重整美国军事力量计划”的内涵 ,勾画出了美国未来军事政策的基本思路。这无疑给 2 1世纪全球和平与稳定投下浓重的阴影。一、继续巩固和发展“独一无二”的超级大国独霸地位 ,并将战略重点开始从欧洲向亚太地区转移。小布什上台后“电话外交”的先后顺序及他同各国领导人会晤的顺序向世人发出了一个明确…  相似文献   

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In this article, I mine President Donald Trump’s considerable writing and speaking record to synthesize the key elements of his deal‐making approach to help make better sense of his rhetoric and actions on the world’s diplomatic stage. My argument is that Trump’s coercive negotiation style is best understood through the prism of his four public roles: observer, performer, controller, and disrupter. In this article, I analyze how these roles translate into his negotiating behavior. Spotting and exploiting vulnerability is his trade; leverage and bravado are his tools. After assessing the opposing side, Trump uses leverage to threaten his counterparts’ weaknesses, while using bravado to play up the advantages of reaching an agreement on his terms. This way, he presents a drastic structured choice to his opponents, leaving them the least maneuvering space. In the final section of the paper, I illustrate how the four‐role framework helps explain Trump’s decisions in the nuclear negotiations with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. I also consider opportunities for further research.  相似文献   

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