"美国世纪"命题及其影响

美国作为一个大国崛起之后开始缓慢地走出了“孤立”状态,在20世纪期间的国际事务中发挥着越来越重要的作用,世界上发生的很多引人注目的大事,美国很少能够摆脱干系。本文从亨利·卢斯提出的“美国世纪”这个角度出发考察了美国借助其不断强大的政治、经济、军事和文化力量实现世界领袖地位的过程,分析了“美国世纪”这一命题提出的背景、主要内容及其产生的影响,特别强调了在“美国世纪”中文化在实现和维护美国的世界霸权中所扮演的重要角色。     

马克思主义:西方与东方--20世纪马克思主义的演变及其21世纪的前景

20世纪马克思主义在东西方走上了不同的发展道路.东西方马克思主义在这一百年中产生了五次重大分歧,基本格局是东方的制度社会主义成为马克思主义发展的主流和中心.二者的百年争论集中在市场与民主两大主题上,分歧的根源在于双方历史阶段和文化背景的差异以及对马克思主义基本理论和20世纪实践关系的不同看法.马克思主义的两股潮流将在21世纪反对全球资本主义的斗争中重新合流,走向马克思主义发展的新阶段.     

对20世纪世界社会主义的几点经验性认识

世界社会主义运动在20世纪获得突破性进展.同时,社会主义也经历了极其严重的挫折.反思这成功与挫折,有几条基本经验发人深省:其一,社会主义在不断探索中前进;其二,社会主义的根本目的是使人民过上幸福生活;其三,社会主义必须与时代要求同步;其四,社会主义是在开放的多元力量结构中发展的.     

The Representation of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Twenty-first Century Russian Media

The aim of this study is to investigate the representation of Mikhail Gorbachev in contemporary Russian media discourse. Attention is paid to Gorbachev's social roles and activities as well as his personality, as presented in Russian news texts. The empirical data were collected over the period from 2000 to 2009 from seven major Russian newspapers. According to these data, a dual relationship to Gorbachev exists: in the West he is an honoured politician with a high profile, whereas in Russia the attitude towards him is ambivalent. In most texts he is represented as a once important political actor.     

从意识形态到国家利益--世纪之交俄罗斯对外战略观念的转型

自立国之日起,俄罗斯的对外战略和行为模式就深受意识形态因素的影响.影响俄罗斯对外战略与行为模式的意识形态主要是源自东正教的救世或曰使命意识,它在不同时期有不同的表现形式,同时,西方化思潮与情结在19世纪以后也时隐时现.意识形态制约和影响对外政策给俄罗斯带来了严重后果.普京执政以来,俄罗斯开始确立国家利益观念,意识形态的影响渐趋消褪,作者认为这是俄罗斯对外战略观念的一次深刻的转型.     

Encountering the Other: The Challenge for the 21st Century

In this section, NPQ takes a look at the history of relations with the Other and how that has changed with globalization. Ryszard Kapuscinski writes of the moral imperative of embracing the Other. Tariq Ramadan speaks urgently of the Muslim Other in Europe. Taking the New Orleans calamity as a point of departure, Richard Sennett reminds us that stupidity for the Greeks meant ignorance of the Other.     

The Aims and Methods of Liberal Education: Notes from a Nineteenth Century Pan-Africanist

Liberal education is in crisis as neoliberal logics continue to shape the purpose and practice of higher education. But despite invocations of its contemporary ‘global’ context, very few commentators engage the current crisis through the provocations of postcolonial studies. A key element of postcolonial critique draws attention to the ways in which the modern humanities and social sciences are colonially inflected traditions of knowledge production. Taking this critique as a point of departure, I aim to show that the critical response to the crisis prompted by the neoliberal agenda is inadequate in so far as there has been insufficient acknowledgement that modern liberal education wishes to suture and save a public culture that is racially exclusionary. To open up this space of inquiry, I focus on the thought and practice of Edward Blyden. Born in St Thomas, Danish West Indies, Blyden migrates to Liberia. A prolific writer and educator, Blyden delivers, in 1881, his inaugural address as President of Liberia College entitled ‘The Aims and Methods of a Liberal Education for Africans’. What lessons for the present crisis might we draw from a nineteenth century Pan-Africanist advocate of liberal education?     

新世纪以来的中古关系

2009年1月1日是古巴革命胜利50周年纪念日。在这喜庆的日子里,人们不由得回忆起50年来中古两国不断加深的友好情谊。中国同古巴的友好关系源远流长,其历史可追溯到19世纪中叶。在1847年及其后的数十年间,许多华工及其后代都积极地参加了两次古巴独立战争,获得了古巴人民的热烈欢迎和高度评价,从而为中古两国的传统友谊打下了坚实的基础。     

The Fourth Revolution: Reinventing the State and Democracy for the 21st Century

Historically, liberal democracy was born as a means to curb the power of kings and tyrants through mechanisms that would ensure accountability and consent of the governed. A system of checks and balances—two legislative chambers, executive and independent courts—were instituted to ensure power did not become too concentrated. Today's highly diverse, mass consumer societies, however, have presented another set of challenges. Power is so diffused governance is becoming ineffective. The short‐term mentality of voters and the lobbying of special interests undermine the ability of democracies to focus on the long‐term and the common interest. Because there are more checks than balances, gridlock has supplanted consensus. In this section, we compare Chinese and Western systems on their ability to deliver good governance. The editors of the Economist magazine put the debate in historical context.     

大变局下的中美世纪博弈

2008年全球金融危机以来,逆全球化思潮抬头,中美两国关系日趋紧张。中美矛盾在奥巴马政府时期逐渐显露并在特朗普政府时期完全公开化。拜登政府上台后,中美博弈在形式上虽更加“外交化”,但内在矛盾仍在扩大。中美矛盾已成为美国“深层政府”(Deep State)对华固有认知的重要组成部分。在新冠肺炎疫情的影响下,国际格局加速演变。中美世纪博弈正日益展现在世人面前。