“A Very Great Clerk”: Sir Ronald Campbell and the Fall Of France, May-June 1940

Sir Ronald H. Campbell was the first British ambassador during the Second World War to manage a key bilateral relationship with a wartime ally. When the Germans invaded France in May 1940, Campbell's Embassy was transformed from a diplomatic reporting post into a frontline base that had to brief London not only on the political situation in France but also on strategic military matters. However, the British ambassador would constantly struggle to register his authority in the overall management of the Franco-British relationship, and more often than not, was bypassed by Whitehall departments, special advisors and senior ministers. Campbell only found himself in a more pivotal role as communications between the British and French Governments disintegrated and the latter moved to Bordeaux. It then fell upon Campbell to make some of the most dramatic decisions in twentieth century Franco-British history.     

Anglo-French Imperial Relations in the Arab World: Intelligence Liaison and Nationalist Disorder, 1920-1939

Faced with intractable problems of popular protest and nationalist insurgency, French and British imperial administrations across the Arab world frequently exchanged various forms of covert intelligence with one another. Much of this information was open source human intelligence relating to local political activity. Higher grade material, and particularly signals intelligence was less regularly shared, not least as the Entente partners continued to spy on each other throughout the inter-war years. Ironically, while the French and British colonial security services shared similar pre-occupations and objectives, their common threat perceptions were not enough to break down the abiding mutual suspicions between them. As a result, their networks of information exchange remained patchy. This only made the tasks of imperial government and the containment of disorder harder than might otherwise have been the case.     

From Territorial Claim to War: Timing,Causation, and the Steps-to-War

The steps-to-war thesis has become one of the dominant frameworks for explaining war in the discipline. Substantial testing has supported the empirical claims of the argument, but key theoretical questions remain. These primarily have to do with the question of endogeneity. While the steps-to-war thesis argues that each step increases the probability of war, others have argued that you might find the same empirical relationships in cases where war was anticipated, or that rivalry is the underlying causal factor for both the different variables and war itself. This study addresses these critical challenges by examining the historic timing of the steps to war in territorial claims from 1919–1995 to determine whether their sequencing supports the causal argument of the steps-to-war thesis or the various challenges to it. The results indicate that there are clear categorical differences in territorial claims that result in war, and discusses the relevant theoretical implications.     

伊拉克战后中东国际关系的地缘性特征

伊拉克战争后 ,中东国际关系的地缘性特征主要表现在以下 6点 :伊拉克成为美国在中东的“支柱国家” ;沙特、埃及和土耳其等国与美国处于一种“无所适从国家”的关系 ;伊朗、叙利亚是美国的“潜在敌意国家” ;法、德与美国盟友反目 ;俄罗斯和美国矛盾重重 ;“多强”合作的趋势加强。中东地区大国同美国的关系将进行新一轮的分化与组合 ,世界强国针对美国的单边主义进一步加强合作将是一种长期的发展趋势。伊拉克战争后的中东国际关系生动地展现了国际关系中的国家利益理论、合作理论和权力 (实力 )理论。未来的中东国际关系将是这样一幅图景 :国家利益为主轴 ,国家实力为决定因素 ,冲突与合作共生、霸权与反霸权、均势与反均势共存、多角色多层次博弈。     

从战争到战争:论一战对二战的影响

本文以第一次世界大战与第二次世界大战的战争本质中的共同点为基础展开讨论。这两场战争都是大规模的工业化战争,均历经过度的、失控的暴力、死亡和破坏。它们不仅见证了包括新技术和强大武器在内的军事方法和战争手段的发展,也见证了全面的扩张,或者说是战争向人类生活各个领域的越界(Entgrenzung)。在两次世界大战中,扩张或者侵略的概念已经延伸并超越总体战的概念范畴。如果忽略德国记忆的存在和对大战争的解读,只谈第二次战争是绝对不全面的,20世纪30年代的德国社会目睹了——一代人的——第一次世界大战的异化,即一战逐渐失去了在记忆中的重要位置。随后的世界大战用大规模屠杀、破碎的档案和巨大的破坏强化了该进程。更多的受害者,特别是平民百姓的死难,对六百万欧洲犹太人的谋杀使这场规模宏大的暴力的越界达到了巅峰,这一切都使第一次世界大战似乎成了第二次世界大战的灾难的序曲。     

Building China-Japan Relations in the New Era： From Thinking to Action

Some unprecedented special features mark China-Japan relations in the new era. Based on mutually beneficial strategic interests, they spell economic inter-dependence and political mutual trust-a corner stone for building a just international economic and political order. Three phases characterize such relations. The 1990s saw the initial period of post-Cold War transition. Then came the intervening stage of collision since the advent of the new century up until the present. Hopefully, a long-awaited day will dawn when both sides join hands in building a desired bond. However, uncertainty still remains in confirming its arrival.     

“Brighter Futures, Better Times”: Britain, the Empire, and Anglo-American Economic Competition in Cuba, 1898-1920

This article examines Anglo-American economic competition in Cuba in the crucial twenty years after 1898. Anglo-American economic competition on the new island nation suggest a number of things about the nature of British and American imperialism, the difficult position of smaller countries—and economies—like Cuba, and the “inevitability” of American economic pre-eminence in the evolving twentieth century. And as an important corollary to the British dimension of this question is the role that Canada and Canadian overseas investment played in the extension of Britain's economic power and influence in the wider world.     

"全球化时代的南北关系:美国与拉美的合作与对抗"学术研讨会综述

2005年6月27～28日,由复旦大学国际问题研究院和中国社会科学院拉美所共同主办的“全球化时代的南北关系:美国与拉美的合作与对抗”学术研讨会在复旦大学美国研究中心召开。来自中国社科院拉美所、现代国际关系研究院、商务部国际贸易经济合作研究院、上海社会科学院、上海国际问题研究所、上海国际关系学会、复旦大学等单位的专家和学者及《文汇报》《解放日报》等新闻媒体的记者30多人参加了研讨会。与会者主要讨论了以下问题。(一)全球化时代的南北关系。有的学者认为,南南合作的重点在于推进区域合作,加强贸易合作和金融合作,建立推动南…     

From Reset to Restart: The US-Russia Cyclical Relationship in the Post-Cold War Era

ABSTRACT

After a quarter of a century of oscillating relations between Washington and Moscow, Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy named Russia as one of the main challengers to the US-led order. Power transition theory is used to explain the alternating cooperative and competitive phases during each of the first three post-Cold War US presidencies: first, initial attempts at cooperation are driven by US willingness to integrate its former rival into the liberal order; then, regression into competition follows as Washington’s influence rises in territories that Moscow considers sensitive for its national security.     

The Renewed ‘Struggle for Syria’: From the War ‘in’ Syria to the War ‘over’ Syria

ABSTRACT

Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a ‘red line’ concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. ‘Weakened interventionism’, as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling “the struggle for Syria” of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting.     

Making a Cold War in the Near East: Turkey and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945-1947

During the post-war negotiations in the years of 1945 and 1946, the Soviets launched a bitter war of nerves against Turkey in order to establish a military base in Istanbul and share control of the Straits. It was crucial for Britain that the USSR be prevented from gaining any influence in Turkey. However, as Britain was in no position to support Turkey financially, American authorities encouraged by London and Ankara took over the responsibility for Turkey. This articles examines the Great Powers rivalry over Turkey and Turkey's response to it. It argues that regional factors other than US-Soviet confrontation, such as Turkey's security search against the Soviets, also played a crucial part in starting the Cold War in the Near East.     

“A Projected New Trusteeship”? American Internationalism, British Imperialism, and the Reconstruction of Iran, 1938-1947

Diplomatic histories identify an early cold war “paradigm shift” as restoring the troubled Anglo-American “special relationship.” However, an integrated analysis of Second World War and post-war Iran suggests continuity in ideologically based Anglo-American differences on the reconstruction of the postwar world economic periphery, and that this was the defining context for crucially elusive relations during successive crises to come. The Americans had embraced Iran as an exemplar of “new deal internationalism,” being as much opposed to competing British neo-imperialist political and economic models there as to Soviet encroachments. They continued to identify autonomous British policies and interests antipathetically during the early cold war period and beyond, not merely out of economic self-interest, but at crucial moments disavowing geopolitical realpolitik. This perplex also determined during future crises of British power, in Iran and throughout the Middle East, that US interests would shift to new relationships, whenever having to decide, with indigenous peripheral actors rather than neo-imperialist European allies, precluding institutionalized, comprehensive Anglo-American partnership, which Britain had hoped would preserve and extend its role as a regional power.     

“从试探性渗透”到“全面巧接触”——浅析美柬关系的新变化

美国奥巴马政府自2009年以来,出于战略考虑,加大了对柬埔寨外交力度。两国在政治、经济、军事、文化等领域的合作呈深化发展的趋势。本文试图在梳理美国在柬埔寨利益定位的基础上,分析奥巴马政府对柬政策调整的动因、手段、发展前景以及由此带来的影响。     

从"战略竞争者"到"利害相关者"--美国总统选举政治视角下中美关系再思考

美国总统选举政治对美国外交政策有较大影响,以总统任期为序,可概括为5种具有一定规律性的模式。在这种模式下,中美关系也呈现出某种规律性的波动。本文在分析美国总统选举政治框架下美国外交政策模式,以及1972年以来美国总统选举政治对中美关系的作用规律基础上,从美国总统选举政治的视角,展望未来中美关系的走向。     

海湾地区国际关系研究的新作——读刘月琴的《冷战后海湾地区国际关系》

海湾地区是中东仅次于巴勒斯坦的热点地区，尤其在当前，美国意欲发动推翻萨达姆的新的海湾大战，这一地区更为举世瞩目。刘月琴研究员的新作《冷战后海湾地区国际关系》(社会科学文献出版社2002年版，36.3万字)，作为一部系统……     

On the Brink of War: The Crisis Year of 1915 in Relations Between the US and Austria-Hungary

This article deals with the development of political relations between the United States of America and Austria-Hungary in 1915. These relations are especially marked by the pressure applied by the Austro-Hungarian government towards diminishing American support of the countries of the Entente. It was a conflict of crucial significance—the actual performance of American neutrality was at stake. The study proves that, as early as 1915, Vienna had already considered the United States as a de facto ally of the powers of the Entente, and it did not put much hope in President Woodrow Wilson's mediating efforts. Furthermore, the article disproves the generally held but erroneous view that, almost till the end of the Great War, the American administration and public felt a certain fondness toward the Danubian monarchy. This is evidenced by the harsh reactions of the American press to the scandalous activities of the Austro-Hungarian embassy in the United States. However, the relations of the United States with Austria-Hungary were less dramatic than those between the United States and Germany.