行业协会腐败治理及其刑事责任追究

行业协会有一定的行政管理和服务职能,也有经费来源,故有腐败的条件。行业协会腐败形式多样,对行业协会腐败的治理措施主要是政社分开、加强监管以及对腐败活动追究行政和刑事责任。其中,《刑法》对以个人名义进行的腐败活动有相应的罪名惩处,而很多腐败活动以协会名义进行,《刑法》缺乏对这类腐败的罪名规定。要提高对行业协会腐败治理的效果,应在《刑法》中增设相应的行业协会单位犯罪的罪名。     

Clarity of responsibility and economic evaluations

Convincing scholarly evidence shows the economy directs the mass public's support for parties and leaders. But the extent of economic voting depends on a country's “clarity of responsibility.” According to several scholars, political clarity is important because it determines whether people link national economic performance to the parties in government. This study explores a potential second role, which involves how clarity moderates the strength of partisan-motivated reasoning. Clarity of responsibility makes the economy more or less central to party politics. It could therefore moderate people's motivation to rationalize economic facts in a biased direction. Using cross-national survey data, this study tests this possibility by examining economic disagreement between people who support a party in government and those who support the opposition. Results from a Bayesian multilevel regression show that partisan disagreement varies systematically with clarity of responsibility. This finding raises new questions about cross-national differences in economic voting.     

逻辑与西方形而上学的明证性

西方形而上学与逻辑的本质关联起源于语言上对系词的追问。逻辑学整体上可以分为无内容的逻辑与有内容的逻辑。无内容的逻辑即是以亚里士多德所创立的形式逻辑为开端,经中世纪经院哲学发展,在现代通过弗雷格、罗素、逻辑实证主义及分析哲学发展到顶峰的纯粹形式化的符号系统。它将形而上学消解于语言符号的结构分析中;有内容的逻辑以亚里士多德范畴论划分存在的不同等级为开端,近代经康德先验逻辑确立了范畴与感性直观的先天关联及黑格尔以思辨逻辑揭示了存在自身证成的内在机制。海德格尔以胡塞尔对范畴直观的描述为引线,在有限性的"此在"之在世存在的生存方式上,指出形而上学是逻辑学的基础而不是相反。马克思将通达形而上意义的辩证法复归人的感性实践,打破了辩证法的神秘性和理论性,澄清了形而上学逻辑的现实基础。     

反腐防腐必须治理“协腐、容腐、羡腐“行为

协助腐败、容允腐败、羡慕腐败是腐败滋生蔓延的温床.民主化程度不高、法制不健全所导致的政治冷漠是"协腐、容腐、羡腐"行为产生的主要原因.治理"协腐、容腐、羡腐"行为,要着力培养全社会的共同政治理想,加快政治民主化进程,大力加强法制建设和廉洁文化建设.     

从文化视角看腐败成因与廉政建设

廉政文化与腐败文化是相比较而存在,相斗争而发展的.中国的腐败文化,是多因一果.建设廉政文化,要按其路径指引,从加大反腐倡廉的宣传教育,提高改革的协同性,推进政治改革,加强廉政制度建设,强化实践的监督与惩处力度等方面努力.     

Clarity of responsibility and foreign policy performance voting

Do voters’ assessments of the government's foreign policy performance influence their vote intentions? Does the ‘clarity of responsibility’ in government moderate this relationship? Existing research on the United States demonstrates that the electorate's foreign policy evaluations influence voting behaviour. Whether a similar relationship exists across the advanced democracies in Europe remains understudied, as does the role of domestic political institutions that might generate responsibility diffusion and dampen the effect of foreign policy evaluations on vote choice. Using the attitudinal measures of performance from the 2011 Transatlantic Trends survey collected across 13 European countries, these questions are answered in this study through testing on incumbent vote the diffusion‐inducing effects of five key domestic factors frequently used in the foreign policy analysis literature. Multilevel regression analyses conclude that the electorate's ability to assign punishment decreases at higher levels of responsibility diffusion, allowing policy makers to circumvent the electoral costs of unpopular foreign policy. Specifically, coalition governments, semi‐presidential systems, ideological dispersion among the governing parties and the diverse allocation of the prime ministerial and foreign policy portfolios generate diffusion, dampening the negative effects of foreign policy disapproval on vote choice. This article contributes not only to the debate on the role of foreign policy in electoral politics, but also illustrates the consequential effects of domestic institutions on this relationship.     

Corruption and Rent-Seeking

The rent-seeking theory was one of thefirst economic instruments developed tomodel corruption in the public sector.Comparing corruption with lobbying, itproposes that the former is the lesser oftwo evils, since lobbying entails the wastage of resources inthe competition forpreferential treatment. This study showsthat the traditional rent-seeking theorymisunderstands three factors: first, theimpact of a corrupt monopoly on the rent'ssize; second, corruption as a motivationfor supplying preferential treatment andthird; that corruption involves a narrowerrange of interests than those ofcompetitive lobbying. Taking these factorsinto consideration, the opposite argumentis valid: corruption has worse welfareimplications than alternative rent-seekingactivities.     

医疗腐败的成因与治理

医疗卫生系统的腐败是社会各界最关注的一种腐败。它的产生有着复杂的政治、经济、社会和文化因素,还有人们的心理活动、价值取向、文化观念等因素。治理医疗腐败要采取综合治理,从加强对医院领导干部和重要岗位人员的职业道德、反腐倡廉教育入手,以建立健全管理制度、奖励和惩罚制度、考核制度及药品招标采购的相关制度为重点,发挥党内监督和群众监督的作用,建立医院反腐倡廉的监督体系。以落实领导干部述职述廉、院务公开、＂三重一大＂制度为抓手,从长远考虑,从解决具体问题做起,逐步构建医疗腐败的惩防体系。     

Corruption and support for decentralisation

Existing explanations of individual preferences for decentralisation and secession focus on collective identity, economic considerations and party politics. This paper contributes to this literature by showing that preferences for fiscal and political decentralisation are also driven by concern about the quality of government in the face of corruption. It makes two claims. Firstly, information on national-level corruption decreases satisfaction with national politicians, and subsequently increases preferences for decentralisation and secession. Secondly, information on regional-level corruption pushes citizens of highly corrupt regions to prefer national retrenchment and unitary states. The effects of this political compensation mechanism crosscut national identities and involve regions that are not ethnically or economically different from the core. We test our argument using a survey experiment in Spain and confirm its cross-national generalisability with data from the European Values Study.     

论刑法明确性原则的价值蕴涵和现代意义

刑法明确性原则是资产阶级在刑法领域里反对专制社会罪刑擅断主义所取得的一项划时代的进步成果,目前已被世界各国的刑事法典普遍加以确认。作为罪刑法定原则在刑事立法领域的深层次体现,它符合建立现代民主和法治社会的要求,有助于保障人权、健全法治,促进司法公正和提高司法效率。在我们努力建设社会主义法治国家的今天,对该原则的法律价值和社会意义进行界定和归整,对建立以人为本的和谐法治社会具有重要意义。     

Tackling Corruption at its Source: The National Corruption Prevention Bureau

In Spring 2007 as part of its ongoing anticorruption efforts, the PRC announced the establishment of a new organization called the “National Corruption Prevention Bureau” (NCPB). The article first examines the origins of the NCPB and its position in the current Chinese anticorruption regime. The NCPB will concentrate primarily on information collection and coordination work. Given these goals, This article examines the organization’s potential for improving work in three areas related to information collection and coordination; increased oversight of the private sector, improving information quality and dissemination, and strengthening routine anticorruption activities. The final section examines potential problems that will likely limit the ability of this new organization to improve anticorruption work, such as the possibility of increasing complexity within the anticorruption system, and the NCPB’s limited independence from the agencies it seeks to coordinate.

腐败测度理论与实践述评

腐败可以被大体地测度,测度结果可以为反腐败工作提供借鉴与参考.腐败测度方法分为客观方法和主观方法,两种方法各有优缺点.以CPI为代表的国外腐败测度,侧重于腐败严重性的测度以及国际间的比较;以<安徽省反腐倡廉工作综合评价系统>为代表的中国国内腐败测度则注重对反腐倡廉工作力度、效果、目标管理的评价.基于国情,中国应该建立权威性、中立性的腐败测度机构,构建完善的腐败测度方法体系,开展有效的腐败测度,促进反腐倡廉工作的开展.     

治理理论视角下“责任&#183;责任意识&#183;责任理念”辨析

责任、责任意识、责任理念是发展着的概念体系,在不同的时期有不尽相同的内涵。以治理理论的视角,重新审视责任、责任意识和责任理念,分析“责任”在不同语系中的内涵及与之相关的概念、阐释“责任意识”的理论根源和形成机制以及重构“责任理念”的核心体系,将有助于政府责任体系的构建。     

腐败的政治学分析及治理

腐败现象是附着于政治肌体上的毒瘤,其对国家政治体系构成了极大危害。从根本上说,廉政建设是一种制度建设,属于社会政治法律范畴。所以,在追求透明、廉洁、高效这些政治发展目标的过程中,必须首先减少权力对公共资源的控制,增加公共权力运行的透明度,同时要强化公共权力主体的自律和他律机制。     

Mining and Local Corruption in Africa

We investigate whether mining affects local corruption in Africa. Several cross‐country analyses report that natural resources have adverse effects on political institutions by increasing corruption, whereas other country‐level studies show no evidence of such “political resource curses.” These studies face well‐known endogeneity and other methodological issues, and employing micro‐level data would allow for drawing stronger inferences. Hence, we connect 92,762 Afrobarometer survey respondents to spatial data on 496 industrial mines. Using a difference‐in‐differences strategy, we find that mining increases bribe payments, and this result is robust to using alternative models. Mines are initially located in less corrupt areas, but mining areas turn more corrupt after mines open. When exploring mechanisms, we find that local economic activity relates differently to corruption in mining and non‐mining areas, suggesting that mining income incentivizes and enables local officials already present to require more bribes.