Power, Morality, and Foreign Policy

Despite the vast amounts of rhetoric one hears in the United States on the role of morality in international politics, the nation lacks a coherent position on the appropriate application of morality to foreign policy. History reflects two prominent and contrasting views on the subject. The first is that morality is irrelevant to national foreign policy; the second applies common principles of individual morality—compassion, generosity, forgiveness, benevolence, and tolerance—to interactions between states. Though elements of each are evident in the Bush administration's foreign policy, the limits on them restrict the efficacy of either. As the application of morality to foreign policy becomes both more necessary and more difficult, prudence and decency—more than self-righteousness or power—should provide the primary inspiration for American foreign policy.     

The Danzig Question in British Foreign Policy, 1918-1920

Among the many and often bitter territorial disputes following the collapse of Germany and Russia in Central and Eastern Europe — to mention only the questions of Vilna, Memel, Teschen, or Lemberg — the problem of the Polish sea access was particularly explosive and became the most vexing territorial problem of the whole conference. This paper examines the question of Danzig and the lower Vistula within the context of contradicting Polish, German and Western, mainly British ambitions and preferences. The author shows that the proclamation of the Free City of Danzig and the creation of the Polish Corridor, dividing Germany into two parts, was a compromise not liked in Warsaw and Berlin and one the British, always fearing fatal repercussions to future stability, only considered to be the lesser choice of evils.     

Sir Austen Chamberlain and British Foreign Policy 1931-37

This article seeks to analyze Sir Austen Chamberlain's critique of British foreign policy in the six years before his death in 1937. It presents Chamberlain as one of the most perceptive contemporary observers of the international scene, and in particular of Hitler's Germany. Unusually among British politicians, Chamberlain drew a direct causal connection between the domestic policy of the Nazi regime and its likely behaviour in the international arena. However, it is suggested that the basis for his understanding was an innate anti-Germanism, which can be dated back to his experiences as a young man in the 1880s.     

Human Rights and Foreign Policy: Wilson and the Greek Dictators, 1967-1970

The military coup of 21 April 1967 brought to power a repressive dictatorship in Greece. It proceeded to deprive Greeks of their human rights and civil liberties, outraged international public opinion and strained transatlantic relations during the Cold War. The “Greek case” culminated in the withdrawal of Greece from the Council of Europe and calls for its expulsion from NATO. This article will analyse the foreign policy considerations that determined British policy towards the Greek junta during 1967—such as Cold War realities, alliance dynamics, economic and commercial imperatives, regional instability in the Mediterranean and domestic pressures. It will look at how these factors coalesced into shaping British policy towards the Greek junta into one in which human rights had little bearing. The article will also consider the impact of the “Greek case” on the image and credibility of the Labour government of 1966-1970 and explain why vociferous anti-junta activities in London were to create such policy difficulties for the British government.     

胡佛战争、革命与和平研究所

斯坦福大学胡佛战争、革命与和平研究所(TheHoover Institution on War,Revolution and Peace,简称胡佛研究所)是保守派思想库,素有“右翼思潮的思想库”之称。该所在对共产主义及社会主义国家的研究方面独树一帜,此外还侧重于研究世界上文明冲突对政治经济造成的影响。具有鲜明的反共立场,而且这种立场有着深厚的历史渊源。小布什、里根、尼克松等共和党人竞选总统时,都有胡佛研究所     

"身份定位"与德国对外政策走向

德国统一后的对外政策存在摇摆和多面性的特点。除强调多边主义、推动欧洲一体化外,德国的对外政策也越来越体现出很强的地缘特色,这种更加本质性的东西来源于于它自身的定位,特别是在地缘和文化层面的定位。统一以后,德国的身份定位发生了重大变化,新的定位已经基本成型。这将在相当程度上决定德国未来的政策走向,并进而影响大国关系全局。     

论信息时代的网络外交

信息革命的发展,催生了网络外交.作为一种新兴的外交手段,它丰富了外交理论与实践,改变了我们对国家主权、国家权力的认识,并考验着国家外交的信息收集分析能力、危机决策能力和日常外交管理机制.中国的网络外交尚处于起步阶段,面临着不少困难,主要表现在:网络和信息主权面临挤压、外交主体单一、方法不多、公关意识不强.中国应对网络外交的主体加强引导,创新体制,做大做强网络外交群体,对内建设和谐网络社会,对外开创和谐网络外交新局面.     

欧盟的对外战略

冷战时期,美国国务卿基辛格主张在资本主义阵营里实行“分工”：美国承担“全球性”任务,西欧承担“地区性”任务。其用意是限制西欧对外活动的范围。由于在冷战期间美国是全球性力量,西欧是地区性力量,西欧只能在事实上被迫接受这一主张。冷战后,多极化趋势不断发展,欧盟的综合实力超过了冷战时期的欧共体,它开始从地区性力量向全球性力量逐渐过渡。由于力量对比的变化,它越来越不满足于只承担“地区性”的任务。为此,欧盟制订了一系列对外战略。其对外战略的总目标是使自己成为与美国势均力敌的一极,该目标是与美国维护自己超级…     

评李明博政府外交

与强调"均衡与自主"的卢武铉政府外交相比,李明博政府的外交将更加侧重于"同盟与实利",其主要政策包括:创造性地重建韩美同盟;启动对朝"无核·开放·3000构想";构筑成熟的韩日关系;推行韩俄能源外交;进一步提升中韩关系;开展全球外交,提高韩国国际地位与影响力,等等.在新形势下,如何巩固并进一步开创"中韩全面合作伙伴关系"新局面,是我们需要深入思考的重要课题.     

日本民主党政府的对外政策走向

日本民主党胜选并组阁,将对日本政府的内外政策及国家发展战略模式的选择产生重大影响,其宣示的亚洲政策将是推进和发展中日关系的一个机遇。然而,日本以日美同盟为基轴的总体外交政策不会发生根本性变化,其亚洲政策目前也只是原则性口号,缺少实际内容和可操作性;中日之间的战略分歧、结构性矛盾、具体的利益争端和摩擦也不会轻易解决;日本可能在人权、全球无核化、削减碳排放问题上对中国形成新的压力和挑战。     

卢拉政府外交政策评析及未来外交政策走向

2006年大选中,针对卢拉第一任期的外交政策,卢拉与反对党总统候选人进行了激烈的辩论,辩论内容涉及外交政策的各个方面。本文首先以两位总统候选人对外交政策的辩论为切入点,分析他们在外交政策上的各自立场;然后针对这些分歧总结卢拉第一任期内外交政策的特点及实效;最后对未来4年卢拉政府外交政策的走向作出初步预测。     

美国对外政策与俄美关系

冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。