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1.
当前,阿富汗正在经历重大变局.阿富汗塔利班(阿塔)成功卷土重来,并且完成临时政府组建.尽管仍有多重挑战,但阿塔执政已不存在根本性威胁.这引发阿富汗地缘政治格局和地区安全形势的深度调整.在地缘政治格局方面,整体呈现"美国西方影响力下降,地区国家影响力上升"这一"东升西降"趋势.美国正在从"局内人"变为"局外人",但仍将发...  相似文献   

2.
2001年以来,阿富汗问题各方在持续博弈多年后,认识到单凭军事手段无法解决问题.各方逐渐寄希望于和平进程,即通过推动阿富汗政府与阿富汗塔利班谈判,达成政治解决协议,实现阿富汗与整个地区的持久和平与繁荣.阿富汗和平进程时断时续,已持续数年,于2015年进入快车道,实现了阿富汗政府与塔利班的首轮直接谈判.然而,由于塔利班两任大头目奥马尔、曼苏尔先后身亡等因素不断干扰,和平进程若想获得实质性进展仍需克服重重困难.  相似文献   

3.
《和平与发展》2021,(2):67-82
2021年是阿富汗战争20周年。20年前的"9·11"事件以及美国随后发动的阿富汗战争,使阿富汗战乱冲突延宕了20年,其和平重建举步维艰。2020年2月,美国与阿富汗塔利班达成"多哈协议",标志着阿富汗和平进程进入新阶段。但协议签署一年多来落实并不顺利,阿富汗人的内部谈判屡屡受挫。当前,美国拜登新政府的阿富汗政策走向不定,阿富汗问题与大国新一轮博弈联动共振,其和平进程再次走到关键路口,面临新的复杂性和不确定因素。阿富汗最终能否走上和平发展之路,需要国际社会、地区国家及阿富汗国内各派的共同努力。  相似文献   

4.
苏联解体急剧改变了中亚地区的地缘政治形势.1991年的阿拉木图宣言,一方面结束了苏联的存在,一方面也给中亚旧地缘政治的历史发展阶段划上了句号.自此,中亚进入了一个全新的历史发展时期,中亚各国不可避免地要受到地区地缘政治关系转变的长期影响.但是,继承原苏联保持同阿富汗冲突地带的隔离政策仍将是中亚各国保持社会稳定和发展的重要条件之一.  相似文献   

5.
中缅油气管道给中缅两国带来巨大地缘政治利益的同时,也将改变亚洲、特别是东南亚和南亚的能源地缘战略格局。中缅油气管道的规划建设既有国家层面的地缘政治经济利益和能源安全战略考量,又有地方省区市政府的利益驱动,更有中国国家石油公司之间的竞争因素。一方面,中缅油气管道的建成运营不仅延续了南方丝绸之路和滇缅公路的辉煌,将中缅睦邻友好关系推上新的高度,而且也是中国拓展与东南亚和南亚能源合作的重要组成部分。另一方面,缅甸借助中缅油气管道不仅成功开展油气外交使缅甸成为亚洲主要能源国家,振兴缅甸经济以提升缅甸在亚洲的经贸地位,而且提升缅甸在地区和国际事务中的地位。  相似文献   

6.
恐怖袭击发生后,本·拉丹再次被美国视为最大嫌疑犯,其藏匿地阿富汗也随之成了美国不得不面对的挑战.冷战结束后,美国出于自身战略考虑,积极插足阿富汗内战,却也给自己带来了麻烦,导致美国所面对的阿富汗挑战更为严峻.  相似文献   

7.
塔利班是影响阿富汗重建工作顺利进展的主要因素。奥马尔去世后,塔利班内部纷争加剧,伊斯兰国阿富汗分支呼罗珊省势力增强,加尼政府军事清剿力度加大与外部势力打击和制裁措施升级,都在一定程度上削弱了塔利班的实力。为此,塔利班采取了选择强硬领导人、频繁发动袭击、坚持游击战等相应的反制措施。就目前情况来看,塔利班正在整合内部力量,出于争夺阿富汗局势主导权的考虑,塔利班发动袭击的频率和强度可能会增加,而加尼政府的军事打击和外部势力的介入很难从根本上消灭塔利班势力。阿富汗政府、外部势力与塔利班三种力量的相互作用,将决定阿富汗局势的未来走向。  相似文献   

8.
阿富汗毒品问题与该国政治有着密切联系。苏联入侵带来的战乱与政治失序是阿富汗毒品问题产生的重要因素。塔利班倒台后,中央政府微弱的政治权威、美国反恐战略的刺激、毒品之于各涉毒群体的角色转换等原因造成毒品问题在这一时期继续恶化。同时,毒品问题为阿富汗政治带来诸多负面效应:助长政治腐败、地方军阀与部落势力坐大、塔利班与恐怖主义再活跃等。阿富汗毒品形势所发生的新近变化尤其塔利班在毒品活动中的角色转换,将使该问题的解决更加困难,对阿富汗政治走向也将产生微妙影响。  相似文献   

9.
阿富汗和平进程启动已久,但受制于各种因素而迟迟难有进展。2020年2月29日,美国与塔利班签署和平协议,终于给阿富汗深陷战火的民众带来了和平的希望。9月12日,阿富汗政府与塔利班正式启动阿富汗人内部谈判,可谓和平进程的又一大进展。相比于过去十年来的和平努力,此次和平进程的阶段性突破主要源于美国与阿富汗塔利班主场的改变。然而,阿富汗和平进程目前仍然面临严峻挑战,有关各方短期内很难妥善应对这些挑战。未来,阿富汗能否实现长治久安,则在很大程度上取决于美国对阿富汗的政策走向和阿富汗内部的共识程度。  相似文献   

10.
丝绸之路经济带建设对中国外交战略的转型、经济布局的优化和整合亚欧大陆资源具有重要的战略意义。该倡议得到相关国家的积极响应,它不仅将显著缓和东部的战略压力,并且将极大的促进中国西部和周边国家的经济发展。中巴能源通道作为这一战略的重要组成部分,无论对于我国新疆和巴基斯坦的政治稳定还是沿途地区的经济发展都至关重要。中国作为实力强大的一方,应当充分认识其战略意义,努力克服困难,推动其顺利实施。  相似文献   

11.
Afghanistan began a journey of historic significance-a journey out of the dark decades of oppression and neglect towards a future of promise and hope.International community has been our companions in this journey,and it is a great privilege to be with you here today to talk on the future of Afghanistan. I am enormously grateful to Government and the people of China for the age-old friendship we have enjoyed and in particular for China's solidarity and commitment over the past decade.I also thank CICIR for organizing this conference and generous hospitality extended to us on this occasion.  相似文献   

12.
透视中印关系纠葛   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
中印关系时好时坏 ,其根源在于影响两国关系发展的纠葛没有得到根本消除。目前影响中印关系的焦点是两国边界纠纷问题、西藏问题和中巴之间的关系问题。  相似文献   

13.
<正>Since the end of the Cold War, security situation in East Asia has been generally stable, but varioussecurity threats have never ceased to exist.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

The chapter begins with a discussion of the draft definition of terrorism in the UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, a definition which covers both terrorist blackmail and intimidation of target audiences but does not address the terrorist goal of impressing potential and actual constituencies with their “propaganda by the deed”. It distinguishes then between a military response to terrorism, based on maximum force within the framework of the laws of war, and a law enforcement response, based on minimal use of force, within the framework of the rule of law. Subsequently twelve principles of the rule of law are outlined and their relationship to human rights is clarified. Next a discussion of specific human rights and how they relate to terrorism and countering terrorism follows. The activities of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime are discussed in the framework of the three-pronged UN Strategy against international terrorism. The chapter ends by stressed that upholding human rights and effective anti-terrorist measures are not exclusive. On the contrary: human rights and the rule of law are essential tools in the effort to combat terrorism.

By its very nature, terrorism is an assault on the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights, and peaceful settlement of disputes upon which the United Nations is established.
K. Annan, 4 October 2002

Notes

The views and opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of the United Nations where the author serves as senior crime prevention and criminal justice officer of the Terrorism Prevention Branch of the Office on Drugs and Crime in Vienna.

UN Ad Hoc Committee on Terrorism, Comprehensive Convention [draft], Article 2–A/C.6/56/L.9, annex I.B.

‘Coordinateur du Mardi Saint’, Ramzi Ben Al-Shaiba promettait ‘un Millier d'autres Operations de ce Type’, Le Monde (16 Sep. 2001) p. 2. F. Halliday observed in a similar vein: ‘11 September did not, nor was it designed to, destroy America as a power so much as to mobilize support against its Middle Eastern allies’. Fred Halliday, Two Hours that Shock the World?–?September 11, 2001: Causes & Consequences (London: Saqi Books 2002).

An example of this communication function (which is linked to intimidation) is a statement broadcasted by Al Jazeera in early October 2002 in which Aiman Al Zawahiri, the No. 2 in Al-Qaeda said, referring to the attack on German tourists in front of the Jewish synagogue in Djerba, Tunis, and to the attack on the French oil tanker Limburg off the coast of Yemen: ‘The Mujahedeen youth has sent one message to Germany and another to France. Should the dose [of the message] not have been sufficient, we are ready – of course with the help of Allah – to increase the dose’. Der Spiegel 21 Oct. 2002. For an interpretation of terrorism along these lines, see A. P. Schmid, Violence as Communication (Beverly Hills: Sage 1982).

‘Remember. September 11 Changed the World. But Not Enough’, The Economist (7 Sep. 2002) p.11. Osama bin Laden expressed the hope that ‘these events [9/11] have divided the world into two camps, the camp of the faithful and the camp of infidels’. Bin Laden Statement, 7 October 2001: ‘The Sword Fell’, in John Prados (ed), America Confronts Terrorism: Understanding the Danger and How to Think About It (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee 2002), p.13.

Osama bin Laden has been explicit about his goal: ‘We are seeking to incite the Islamic nation to rise up to liberate its land and to conduct a jihad for the sake of God’. Carl Conetta, Dislocating Alcyoneus: How to Combat al-Qaeda and the New Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press 2002) p.2.

With regard to Al-Qaeda, Brian M. Jenkins hypothesized:‘ Al Qaeda's leadership probably anticipated that the attack would provoke a major military response, which it could then portray as an assault on Islam. This would inspire thousands of additional volunteers and could provoke the entire Islamic world to rise up against the West. Governments that opposed the people's wrath, quislings to western imperialism, would fall. The West would be destroyed’. Brian M. Jenkins, Countering al Qaeda: An Appreciation of the Situation and Suggestions for Strategy (St. Monica: RAND 2002) p.7.

For an elaboration of these two models, see Ronald D. Crelinsten, ‘Analysing Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism: A Communication Model’, Terrorism and Political Violence 14/2 (Summer 2002) pp.77–122.

Mary Robinson, ‘Human Rights Are as Important as Ever’, International Herald Tribune 21 June 2002. In another statement, Kofi Annan said: ‘while the international community must be resolute in countering terrorism, it must be scrupulous in the ways in which this effort is pursued. The fight against terrorism should not lead to the adoption of measures that are incompatible with human rights standards. Such a development would hand a victory to those who so blatantly disregard human rights in their use of terror. Greater respect for human rights, accompanied by democracy and social justice, will in the long term prove effective measures against terror. The design and enforcement of means to fight terrorism should therefore be carried out in strict adherence with international human rights obligations’. Kofi Annan, Message to the African Union's High Level Inter-Governmental Meeting on Terrorism, Algiers 11 Sep. 2002.

Sergio Vieira de Mello, Statement before the Counter Terrorism Committee of the Security Council, New York, 21 Oct. 2002.

Roger S. Clark, ‘The United Nations Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Program’, Formulation of Standards and Efforts at Their Implementation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1994) pp.95–125.

Annex to A/57/273–S/2002/875 Report of the Policy Working Group on the United Nations and Terrorism. General Assembly/Security Council (Provisional Agenda Item 162).

SC RES 1456 (2003).  相似文献   

15.
对于欧亚大陆来说,2008年将注定是一个不寻常的年份.中国、印度和俄罗斯等新兴大国的崛起或复兴将彻底改变这一古老大陆的地缘政治格局. 早在2007年底,英国<经济学家>的"2008世界展望"报告就预计,2008年中国会超过德国成为世界最大的出口国,中国排名第三的现有进口规模也会上升至仅次于美国的第二位,中国还将首次在对世界经济增长的贡献率方面超过美国;在2008年的北京奥运会上,中国将在大多数项目上赢得金牌,登上奖牌总数第一;中国宽带网络用户也会超过美国,将成为主导全球电子商务的国家.报告认为,2008年将是全球政治、经济"脱美入中"的第一年,即从"美国主导的世界秩序"(Pax Americana)转变为"中国主导的世界秩序"(Pax Sinica)的元年.  相似文献   

16.
How do policymakers in democratic nations mobilize support for hard-line strategies? Existing answers to this question emphasize the exaggeration of external threats. Yet this overlooks an important dilemma: because democratic citizens expect their leaders to explore peaceful solutions or less aggressive alternatives when foreign dangers are ambiguous, the same conditions that make threat inflation necessary also make it difficult to employ successfully. To mobilize support for hard-line measures when the public wants its leaders to demonstrate restraint, policymakers may therefore attempt to shift blame onto an adversary by using “counterfeit diplomacy.” Specifically, democratic leaders may adopt more cooperative or less coercive options than they believe are necessary, but which they anticipate will fail. This approach can be a risky one, however, because an opponent might accept a nation's demands, accede to its conditions, or offer counterproposals in the hope of diffusing support for more confrontational measures.  相似文献   

17.
中亚不是一个界定很明确的概念,"中亚"意味着什么,人们有各自的说法和认识.本文认为,论及现实中的中亚五国,意味着关于国际地缘政治竞争的当代分析;把中亚与高加索联系起来讨论,意味着对地缘经济前景的憧憬;而对"内亚"这个更大一点范围的研究,则体现对欧亚腹地文化底蕴的历史考察.关于"中亚"的地缘政治、经济和文化的考察,对于中国西部,特别是新疆的发展、稳定是有一定意义的.  相似文献   

18.
19.
Abstract

The prevention discourse in all its forms has tended to ignore or at least downplay the epistemic problems with prevention. Forecasting political violence is not as easy as the debate on early warning often assumes. Effectively forestalling political violence and mass atrocities is much more difficult than the often used rhetoric of a ‘tool box’ implies, which creates the impression that one knows what works. An evidence-informed prevention policy needs to be aware of the limits of our knowledge, but at the same time knowledgeable of what social science research can provide – even if the results are provisional, often controversial and fraught with methodological problems.  相似文献   

20.
冷战后印度的综合国力迅速提高,大国地位正在逐渐为国际社会所认同。但印度的国家发展战略受地缘政治环境的限制,注定它只能以海权强国为最终发展方向。印度注重海权,它的以控制印度洋为核心的大国战略必将对今后国际新格局的构建产生重大影响,特别是对冷战后美国的单极世界霸权构成挑战。印度的发展对中国国家安全带来的不仅是挑战,更多的是机遇。  相似文献   

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