Values Count but Institutions Decide: The Stein Rokkan Approach in Comparative Political Sociology

This article presents the major characteristics of the tradition of comparative political sociology which Stein Rokkan incarnated. Special emphasis is put on Rokkan's scientific reasoning based on the organic relationship between the creation of infrastructures for research and research efforts. Rokkan's oeuvre is marked by an acute awareness of the historical sources of institutional variation and by a concern for constructing region-specific models reflecting culturally meaningful contexts. Rokkan's use of comparisons is treated at length before the conclusion states what the authors claim is worth preserving from the Rokkan tradition: the historical, institutional and comparative aspects of Rokkan's approach.     

Towards the scientific understanding of nationalism and national development: the crucial contribution of Stein Rokkan

Abstract. This article is the text of the Stein Rokkan Memorial Lecture delivered at the ECPR Joint Workshops in Freiburg in 1983. It critically evaluates the historical development of studies of nationalism, and then shows how the research strategy developed by Stein Rokkan was an attempt to overcome the weaknesses of earlier approaches.     

State transformation and the domestic politics of foreign aid in Taiwan

Abstract

This article challenges the dominant narrative that overlooks the role of domestic factors in Taiwanese foreign aid in favour of politics cast at the cross-Strait and international levels. It examines the emergence and effects of partisan politics on Taipei's foreign aid policies, including aid budgets and the motivation for providing foreign aid. It argues that, rather than the cross-Strait conflict as such, it was contests and rivalries among Taiwan's political parties and government agencies – underpinned by ongoing projects of state building – that shaped the variable objectives, policies and processes of Taipei's foreign aid-giving.     

On the administrative condition of politics: Administrative transformation in the Netherlands

There is virtually no public policy sector in the Netherlands which currently does not exhibit signs of serious institutional stress. Administrative change, modernisation and transformation are predominatly studied in terms of managerial change. The managerial perspective is important, but needs to be complemented by an institutional one. In this contribution political and administrative transformation processes in the Dutch case are being analysed from an historical institutionalist perspective. On the basis of a reconstruction of the institutional theory of the Dutch unitary state a perspective is being developed on the way institutional administrative structures may have facilitated the development of the Dutch version of consociationalism, and the way in which ‘pillarisation’ has affected the operation of the legal institutional set up of the Dutch unitary state. Special attention is given to regional governance as the hidden dimension of Dutch pillarisation and current consequences for regional administrative reform.     

The politics of flatland

A version of the median-voter theorem holds for two-dimensional spatial models in which voters regard the two dimensions as economic goods or goodlike activities and in which the set of feasible outcomes is constrained by budget or technology. Although mathematically trivial, this fact has widespread analytical uses. After arguing that our two-dimensional model, with its stability property, fits a number of important and general policy areas, we use our analysis to address some prominent theoretical issues.     

The politics of kinship

Judith Butler’s Antigone’s Claim explores our most intimate ties to others – the ties of kinship. Antigone’s Claim explores the politics of kinship through a reading of the figure of Antigone. For Butler, Antigone represents a crisis of the Oedipal order of kinship, revealing the possibility of new forms of kinship itself. Butler presents a persuasive and moving argument for the necessity of changes in our conception and practice of kinship. However, her account of new kinship forms is less persuasive, failing to engage adequately with the sociality of kinship or to provide a radical model of its new forms. Butler argues that Antigone does not represent a feminist politics. However, Antigone’s Claim suggests that, if we are to re-conceive the politics of kinship, then it is necessary to reread Antigone as a political figure.     

The politics of desire

This paper examines the relevance of the ‘particularity of the place where discourse is produced’ in two literary histories to discover if de Certeau's distinction, in Heterologies, between historiography and psychoanalysis, helps to determine if and how a work written by a white writer who writes about Aboriginal literature differs from the work of a black writer who does the same thing. It concludes that the status of the author is not a matter of indifference, neither is it simply a matter of personal experience. It ushers in the need to differentiate subject positions in relation to incremental moments of the past and in relation to constructs of the ‘other’.     

State transformation and resource politics: Australia and the regional political economy

Abstract

Although the 1994 Agreed Framework offers a solution to the North Korean nuclear crisis, many problems may prevent its successful implementation. Should the Agreed Framework break down, the United States and South Korea have indicated that they will ask Japan to join them in a trilateral economic sanctions regime.

Japanese participation would include the severance of trade and financial flows, including money sent to North Korea from Japan's ethnic Korean community. In this paper I examine this financial flow, and, finding it a valuable linkage to the North Korean economy, conclude that Japanese participation is vital for a successful sanctions regime against North Korea.

Given this, I examine whether or not Tokyo's cooperation will be forthcoming. Japan would be inclined to participate given that it has a strong interest in eliminating a regional nuclear threat. Furthermore, Japan would also feel pressure from its allies to display diplomatic leadership in the Asia‐Pacific region, as befits a country of its economic importance.

Despite these international reasons for Japanese participation, domestic factors will be likely to prevent Tokyo from joining a sanctions regime: constitutional questions, the possibility of terrorist reprisals, interest in Pyongyang's regime maintenance, concerns for the rights of Japan's ethnic Korean community, and political ties between North Korean and Japanese politicians. I find that these domestic factors will outweigh international pressures for Japanese participation, and thus conclude that in the event of a breakdown in the Agreed Framework, alternatives to a trilateral sanctions strategy against North Korea must be considered.