"Women, Children and Other Vulnerable Groups": Gender, Strategic Frames and the Protection of Civilians as a Transnational Issue

This article offers an explanation for the use of gender essentialisms in transnational efforts to advocate for the protection of war-affected civilians. I question why human rights advocates would rely upon such essentialisms, since they arguably undermine the moral logic of the civilian immunity norm on which their normative claims are based. This can be understood, I argue, as part of a strategic framing process in which pre-existing cultural ideas, filtered through an environment characterized by various political constraints, impact the rhetorical strategies available to advocates. In-depth interviews with civilian protection advocates reveal that many believe that warring parties, the global media, transnational constituencies and partners in the international women's network will all be more receptive to their message if it is couched in terms of protecting "women and children" specifically. Network actors believe that while this may undermine the protection of adult male civilians and while it may reproduce harmful gender stereotypes, these problems are outweighed by the gains in access to needy populations and the benefits of getting "civilians" on the international agenda. I conclude by considering the extent to which this cost/benefit analysis is being contested and reconsidered by some actors within the civilian protection network.     

跨国社会运动及其政策议程的有效性分析

跨国社会运动是国际非政府组织网络化、制度化发展的形式,它可以推动各种全球性问题进入各国政策议程。但不同议题领域的跨国社会运动所设置的政策议程存在着明显的有效性差异。本文从议题的性质出发并结合一些具体事例对有效性差异进行分析和解释。最后得出结论:跨国社会运动在国际关系中既有其不可低估的力量,也存在着自身力量的限度,无论是国家中心主义,还是社会浪漫主义都将不得全球化时代国际关系的要领。     

印第安文化与印第安政治运动的新崛起

拉丁美洲印第安人问题的历史与殖民主义的历史同样古老。印第安人的抵抗运动一直没有止息。随着新自由主义经济政策的推进,印第安人的利益尤其是土地权益受到更大的侵犯。近20多年来,印第安民众逐渐成为民众运动的主体,其斗争规模和组织程度有很大提高。与以往的左翼运动不尽相同,印第安人的政治运动带有印第安文化的底蕴。印第安政治运动的内容不仅反映了反对殖民主义掠夺行为的正义要求,也代表着“现代化”讨论中的进步方向。印第安人问题是一个世界范围内的深刻的历史问题和现实问题,其本质不是种族问题,而是政治和社会问题,其核心指向殖民主义和资本主义的性质。     

Online Political Debate,Unbounded Citizenship,and the Problematic Nature of a Transnational Public Sphere

Citizenship has always been a dynamic notion, subject to change and permanent struggle over its precise content and meaning. Recent technological, economic, and political transformations have led to the development of alternative notions of citizenship that go beyond the classic understanding of its relationship to nation states and rights. Civil society actors play an important role in this process by organizing themselves at a transnational level, engaging with issues that transcend the boundaries of the nation state and questioning the democratic legitimacy of other transnational actors such as international and corporate organizations. They also allow citizens to engage with “unbounded” issues and to construct a transnational public sphere where such issues can be debated. It is often assumed that the Internet plays a crucial role in enabling this transnational public sphere to take shape. Empirical analysis of discussion forums and mailing lists developed by transnational civil society actors shows, however, that the construction of such a transnational public sphere is paved with constraints. To speak of a unified transnational public sphere is therefore deemed to be problematic. It cannot be seen or construed without taking into account the local, the national, and enforceable rights in order to materialize the ideas and hopes being voiced through civil society.     

安倍政府时期的反安保运动分析——以政治过程理论为视角

本文以2015年日本反安保运动为主要研究对象。该运动是日本自70年代后又一波和平运动浪潮中规模最大的一次社会运动,诱因则是由于安倍政府推进修改安保法案以及和平宪法进程。本文运用社会运动的主流理论——政治过程理论,进行了比较系统的深刻分析。认为这次反安保运动的兴起以及最后的惜败都与日本政治经济社会问题、民众的认知情感以及和平运动组织三方面的因素密切相关。虽然2015年反安保运动以失败而告终,但通过对这次反安保运动的研究可知,日本和平运动兴起的社会经济基础、民意以及运动组织基础依然存在。但日本和平运动要实现政治过程的优化达到其政治目标却绝非易事,需要强劲的左翼政党精英联盟、广大拥有参政热情的日本基层社区民众,以及社会运动组织的强强联合才能实现。     

俄罗斯与立陶宛等国政党法比较

本文对苏联解体以后俄罗斯和立陶宛、爱沙尼亚、哈萨克斯坦等国的政党法进行了比较.这些国家政党法的制定,一方面反映了利用各种法律形式规制政党活动使之纳入法制化的轨道是当今世界的大势所趋,另一方面也和这些国家面临的政治形势和社会需要密切相关.各国的政党法既有很多相似之处,又根据自己国家的国情以及执掌政权的政党和社会力量的自身利益需要有所不同.     

Culture and Revolution Transaction Strategies: A Project of the Ludwig Foundation of Cuba

If society is the people, and culture is behavior, this confers upon revolutions a genuinely cultural nature. The immediate link among the topics dealt with in this article is the creation and development of Cuban cultural policy, the very policy through which the nation's artistic creativity—with all its beauties and blunders—is articulated. Yet it is impossible to outline the scope and complexity of this process in a single article and to do so would be nonsensical. This means a radical change in perspective: instead of using macro-history and generalizations, relying on observing events on a much smaller scale in an attempt to shed light on the whole through its parts. As a result, this article focuses on a specific cultural institution—The Ludwig Foundation of Cuba—with a brief mention of its fundamental aims and an overview of one of its emblematic exhibitions, which was the result of long-term research.     

Social and Political Cultural Effects on the Outcomes of Mediation in Militarized Interstate Disputes

The article investigates the relationship between cultural similarities and differences on the part of the representatives of contending states and mediators, and outcomes of mediation efforts in militarized disputes. A distinction is made between social culture, defined primarily in terms of religious identity, and political culture, defined according to the state's political system. Analysis of 752 mediation attempts in militarized disputes occurring between 1945 and 1995 yields support for the hypothesis that mediation is more likely to succeed when the parties are from similar social cultures. The results, however, suggest that the relationship is more complex than that suggested by a simple categorization of states based on Huntington's "clash of civilizations" thesis. We also find that mediation is more likely to succeed when the parties share democratic political cultures, a finding that is consistent with the cultural/normative explanation for the democratic peace.     

Landpower,Time, and Terrorism: A Strategy of Lightness in the Counter-ISIS Campaign

The range of strategic ends and contingencies that could require seizing, securing, and controlling territory on land is not diminishing. But the means of employing landpower have repeatedly exhausted the domestic basis and political will to sustain it over time, as in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan. A way of applying landpower that allows for the essential element of time, sustainable over protracted periods in the court of public opinion, would offer immeasurable strategic value. Drawing on the author's work and observations while deployed to the U.S./coalition headquarters in command of military operations against ISIS, this article suggests that the answer to the dilemma of landpower, however preliminary, lies at the nexus of strategy and cost.     

Offshore Strategies in Global Political Economy: Small Islands and the Case of the EU and OECD Harmful Tax Competition Initiatives

This article investigates how recent attempts by the European Union (EU) and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) to clamp down on harmful tax competition will affect small island economies with offshore financial centres (OFCs). It argues that although there are legitimate concerns about the initiatives, the likelihood that small island OFCs will disappear is remote. A confluence of factors have forced the EU and OECD to dilute their original proposals to the extent that while some marginal OFCs may be driven out of existence, more sophisticated OFCs will be unharmed and may even benefit from this supposed regulatory offensive.     

Uneven Ground: Nationalist Frames and the Variable Salience of Homeland

When are domestic publics most sympathetic to nationalist territorial ambitions? Conflict scholars commonly assume support should be greatest when territory is framed as being of intangible value to national identity over tangible importance to national security and economic prosperity. This should be especially true regarding lost homelands, territories wherein a state has previously exercised sovereignty and to which it has enduring ethnic ties. This article presents experimental evidence that directly challenges these assumptions, demonstrating the variability of Serbian popular attachments to three lost territories: Kosovo, Bosnia, and Montenegro. It finds that intangible framings do not necessarily engender stronger assertions that such territories belong to the homeland than tangible framings do. Nor do they necessarily motivate greater support for nationalist territorial agendas. These findings cast doubt on conventional wisdom regarding domestic publics' contributions to territorial conflict and offer refined insights regarding in which instances intangible claims are most conflict-prone.     

Radicalism of the Hopeless: Refugee Flows and Transnational Terrorism

We examine whether refugee flows increase transnational terrorism in states to which refugees flee. Recent studies find that refugee flows contribute to the spread of interstate and civil war, but to a far lesser extent have studies examined how refugee flows could lead to other forms of political violence. We discuss two ways in which refugee flows can lead to transnational terrorism: how conditions in camps contribute to the radicalization of refugees; and how poorly host states treat refugees. We then conduct empirical tests using data on worldwide international refugee flows and transnational terrorism. Specifically, we model the effect of refugee flows on transnational terror attacks within a directed dyad framework to account for characteristics of origin and host states. Using a rare-events logit model, along with count models to check robustness, we find that refugee flows significantly increase the likelihood and counts of transnational terrorist attacks that occur in the host country, even when controlling for other variables. Given the prominence of refugee flows and populations worldwide, the results suggest that states with significant refugee populations and the international community at large should take measures to address the conditions in refugee camps, as well as the treatment of refugees by host states in order to prevent transnational terrorism.     

中国与新加坡个人所得税制度的比较与借鉴

文章在纳税人居民与非居民身份的判定标准、税制模式、征税对象、费用扣除、税率的比较等方面对中国与新加坡个人所得税制度进行比较和分析,指出新加坡个人所得税制度的优点对我国的借鉴和启示。     

Technology Firms Shape Political Communication: The Work of Microsoft,Facebook, Twitter,and Google With Campaigns During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Cycle

This article offers the first analysis of the role that technology companies, specifically Facebook, Twitter, Microsoft, and Google, play in shaping the political communication of electoral campaigns in the United States. We offer an empirical analysis of the work technology firms do around electoral politics through interviews with staffers at these firms and digital and social media directors of 2016 U.S. presidential primary and general election campaigns, in addition to field observations at the 2016 Democratic National Convention. We find that technology firms are motivated to work in the political space for marketing, advertising revenue, and relationship-building in the service of lobbying efforts. To facilitate this, these firms have developed organizational structures and staffing patterns that accord with the partisan nature of American politics. Furthermore, Facebook, Twitter, and Google go beyond promoting their services and facilitating digital advertising buys, actively shaping campaign communication through their close collaboration with political staffers. We show how representatives at these firms serve as quasi-digital consultants to campaigns, shaping digital strategy, content, and execution. Given this, we argue that political communication scholars need to consider social media firms as more active agents in political processes than previously appreciated in the literature.     

达尔富尔问题的政治解决进程及对中国外交的启示

达尔富尔问题的实质是苏丹内部的治理危机和发展危机,其根源为当地游牧民与定居农民之间的资源冲突,以及解决这一冲突的传统协调机制的崩溃.美国等部分西方国家对达尔富尔冲突的性质与内容的理解存在夸张或曲解.中国与苏丹关系的发展,特别是达尔富尔问题的政治和解对中国外交具有特别的意义,它关系到中国海外利益的拓展与维护、政治和外交原则的坚持、国家形象的塑造与提升及中国对国际事务的深度参与等重大问题.中国在达尔富尔问题上所受到的外来疑惧、批评乃至诋毁,折射出日益发展的中国全面融入国际社会的艰难;而中国在此问题上的外交选择及政策调适,反映出成就负责任大国所应有的外交谋划和政策把握.未来中国对非洲政策应更具积极性、进取性和包容性.     

ASEAN and the Major Powers： New Ties of Transnational Integration

ASEAN, whose international prestige grew as a result of its diplomatic role in 1970s, can be seen as providing a model for linking the very disparate states of the Asia-Pacific region in a common association. The centrality of ASEAN to any attempt to build regional institutions was strengthened by clashes of interest between the major powers. In order to protect its own strategic interests, ASEAN has established mechanisms of economic and security cooperation with the EU and the United States since the end of Cold War. After September 11, the cooperation between ASEAN and the US has become much more extensive than before on both regional and global levels. Sino-EU-US triangular relationships have had a significant influence on ASEAN relations with these powers in the new century.     

Globalization,the State,and India's Halting March to Common Market: The Political Economy of Tax Reform Under Federalism

As a social phenomenon, globalization has been the target of much criticism. One particular line of attack holds that it will lead to the segmentation and disintegration of the national economy. However, an examination of the long process of reform of the indirect tax system in India underlines, paradoxically, the significant role of globalization precisely in fostering domestic economic integration in the form of a common market, which would overcome the economic segmentation existing prior to globalization. Interestingly, such tax reform has, in considerable part, been driven by the need to meet globalization's challenge that India's economy be efficient and internationally competitive. At the same time, one should not underestimate the critically important role of the state as an institutional variable—which critics tend often to ignore—in carrying through the goal of establishing a common market, presently a work still in progress.     

The Promise of Transnational NGO Dialogue: The Argument and the Challenges

Over the past few decades, a vast body of literature has emerged that strives to conceptualise transnational relations between non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This article explores this debate by mapping out two theoretical approaches that can be broadly defined as an ideational and a materialist approach. Particular attention is paid to the different ways in which one can understand the mutual impact of NGOs operating domestically and transnationally. The paper argues that combining the insights from both approaches improves our understanding of NGO dialogue.