会计人员如何适应电算化后的会计工作

随着电子计算机技术的发展、应用范围的不断扩大,传统的会计工作模式已受到冲击,会计电算化已成为会计工作适应社会主义市场经济发展的必然趋势。如何适应电算化后的会计工作,是广大会计人员面临的必须尽快解决的首要问题。针对此,笔者拟从以下方面作一浅显的探讨。     

邓小平的犯罪防控理论——兼论马克思主义犯罪预防理论的中国化

近现代以来，中国共产党将马克思主义犯罪理论与中国实际相结合，并根据我国各个特定时期的国情制定、实施了相应的形势政策，通过不断的思索和实践，逐渐形成了较为成熟的犯罪预防思想。尤其是改革开放以来，以“邓小平理论”为代表的犯罪预防理论逐渐吸收其他犯罪学理论的合理因素，并融合中国传统犯罪预防思想，逐渐形成了适应中国社会状况的，旨在构建和谐社会的犯罪预防理论体系。     

医院思想政治工作存在的问题及对策思考

医院党组织是党的基层组织，是党在医院设置的落实党的医疗卫生工作方针政策和相关工作任务的战斗堡垒。随着社会的快速进步，人们的思想空前活跃，精神需求不断变化，医院思想政治工作也趋于复杂化和多元化，存在着思想认识不到位、工作机制不健全、方法不适应等问题。因此，医院思想政治工作必须按照科学发展观，与时俱进，在制度、内容、方式、方法上进行强化探究，注重在提高认识、健全机制、创新方法、理顺关系上下工夫，将意识形态教育和具体特色活动相结合，切实增强思想政治工作的趣味性和实效性，增强思想政治工作的吸引力，提升思想政治工作效果。     

医疗卫生服务价格政策的演变

第一阶段,从1949年到1957年。卫生事业是福利事业,预防保健服务免费,对职工实行公费医疗和劳保医疗制度。国家办的医院为非营利性质,政府由逐渐增加补助到实行差额预算管理,对亏损进行补偿。医院的收费标准虽然低于当时医务人员劳务费和医疗物资消耗费用。但卫生机构收支平衡,不存在赔本问题。     

美国的高级文官制度

二次大战后，为了充实联邦政府的高级人才队伍，适应政府高级人才管理的需要，美国逐渐形成了高级官制度。本对美国高级官制度各方面的情况进行了系统介绍。     

加强医院廉政廉医建设

加强医院廉政廉医建设杨理医院是大社会中的小社会，医院和社会的这种关系，通过物流、能流、信息流相互接触，相互联系，相互影响，相互作用。因此，医院的不正之风是一种表面上简单而实际上玄妙的社会现象。它由社会、历史、经济、教育等等多方面复杂的原因所形成。１．...     

开放式教育理念下职业教育模式构建

开放式教育理念实现了由传统教学模式向现代教育模式的转变，实现了由过去的就业教育向创业教育的转变，为了配合这些转变必须提高教师队伍的素质，构建一支学习型教师团队。只有这样，职业教育才能适应市场经济的需要，适应形势发展的需要，也才能提高学生的动手能力和职业技能训练，为国家培养合格的劳动者和建设者。     

第六单元 第三讲 信息化经济(中)

生产信息化首先表现在先进的生产技术,它从设计、加工到装配都日益建立在知识密集的基础上。电子计算机辅助设计(CAD)平均可以提高工效三倍以上,而设计质量提高,又可使新产品一次成功率由过去的百分之三十至四十提高到百分之九十。电子计算机辅助制造(CAM)促使机电一体化全面实现。机电一体化首先是数控机床(NC),即用数字指令来控制机床动作的自动化机床,使机械加工实现单件自动化。在数控机床的基础上又发展了装有自动换刀装置     

医疗机构面临改革的巨大压力

人吃五谷杂粮，生病在所难免．病了就得看医生，但是，面对医改带来的大变局，老百姓担心：以后还看得起病吗？医院忧虑：医疗机构要分类管理，医药要分家，医院将如何生存？记者最近采访了湖北省两家医院的负责人，虽然湖北省医药卫生改革还没有进入实际动作阶段，但他们普遍有一种“山雨欲来风满楼”的紧张感，坦言── 现在看一个普通的感冒就要花 几百元，医院内部人看病也 不例外，我们医生自己都感到太贵了．承受不了．老百姓已经到了承受的边缘。 过去看病难，住院难，吃药难，是医疗条件不适应人们的需求。改革开放以来，医疗条件已…     

我与白求恩在一起的日子里

我是1935年10月在安定县（今子长县）报名参加陕北红军的，当时还是个14岁的赤脚放羊娃。由于年龄小，个头低，又一字不识，所以组织照顾，把我分在红军后方第三医院，一边学习文化，一边学习护士业务。“七七事变”后，我所在的医院过了黄河，奔赴华北抗日前线，并改编为八路军晋察冀军区医院。我由卫生队分到手术队，并任护士长。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。