From Aftermath to Peace: Reflections on a Photography of Peace

International Relations (IR) literature on the visual construction of the international does not systematically engage with the visualisation of peace. In this article, I make photographic discourses available to IR scholars interested in the visual construction of the international and invite IR scholars to substantialise these discourses based on their specialist knowledge on war, violence, conflict and peace. I engage with aftermath photography by challenging its almost exclusive focus on war and the legacy of violence. Furthermore, I engage with Fred Ritchin's notion of peace photography and Cynthia Weber's attempts at visualising peace. Problematising claims to universality, generalisability and causality, I emphasise that the relation between images and peace is episodic, not causal; that visions of peace, reflecting specific cultural configurations, cannot claim universal validity; and that peace photography has to move beyond aftermath photography's focus on the legacies of the past. Finally, I briefly look at the work of Joel Meyerowitz and Rineke Dijkstra, the one displaying aftermath as a beginning sustaining power, the other photographically accompanying a person's adaptation to a new, more peaceful environment.     

From Revolutionary Dreams to Organizational Fragmentation: Disputes over Violence within ETA and Sendero Luminoso

This article examines the evolution of ETA and Shining Path and the leaders' early theoretical justifications for armed action and the views of dissenters. Although both organizations emerged under similar circumstances, members of each differed in how they thought about violent politics. This resulted in different types and amounts of violence. Leaders revised their thinking amid constitutional change, fierce government repression and the entrance of new generations of activists. The two cases corroborate several recent scholarly theses - in particular, hypotheses about the ubiquity of discord and the propensity toward fragmentation within movements that use violence - and suggest new hypotheses about the role of leadership in the evolution of revolutionary movements.     

Oslo and Its Aftermath: Lessons Learned from Track Two Diplomacy

Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of “track two” diplomacy to the Israeli–Palestinian case. It reports on a self‐reflection effort by numerous Israeli–Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. The research presented is based on an inventory of seventy‐nine track two projects that occurred between Israelis and Palestinians between 1992 and 2004, personal interviews with many of those who organized and oversaw these projects, and two focus group meetings that brought together a total of forty practitioners. In this article, we seek to better understand two issues: (1) how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and (2) how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Our findings present an overall picture of the Israeli–Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice. Among the trends we have identified are the following: during the peace process years, more track two initiatives were undertaken with elite/professional participants than with representatives of the grassroots, but in the subsequent decade‐and‐a‐half, Israeli–Palestinian grassroots, track two initiatives gradually replaced senior‐level track two exchanges; most of the grassroots initiatives we studied were relationship focused, whereas those involving elite participants are outcome focused; the track two community subscribes to a set of theoretical propositions about which conditions and contexts facilitate the transmission of track two insights and ideas to the political process, but these propositions have yet to be validated; and track two specialists do little strategic planning about ways to most effectively transfer track two insights and ideas to the political process. Our research also identified four distinct, but not mutually exclusive, approaches to practice: the psychological, the constructivist, the capacity building, and the realistic interest.     

Saudi-Palestinian Relations During the Run-Up to and the Aftermath of Black September

The Black September events in Jordan in 1970 are an example of the conflict the Palestinian issue presented for monarchic regimes. On the one hand, wealthy regimes such as Saudi Arabia and Kuwait wanted to assist the Palestinians in their struggle against Israel, but on the other hand, the moment they understood that siding with the Palestinians could weaken their regimes, they renounced their support. This article, therefore, emphasizes the importance the monarchic regimes in the Persian Gulf attributed to their own stability, and the influence that issue had on their policies within the Arab world.     

《反弹道导弹条约》的兴废始末

1972年美苏签署的《美苏关于限制反弹道导弹系统条约》(简称反导条约、AMB条约)是当前国际关系中最令人关注并引起诸多争议的问题之一。该约限制美苏双方建立针对弹道导弹的国土导弹防御系统,以维持双方战略核武库力量的大体平衡。依此建立的“相互确保摧毁理论”成为现代核威慑战略的理论基础。随着冷战后美国执意发展国家导弹防御系统,反导条约已成为当前世人关注的热点。     

Swiss Neutrality: From Policy to Doctrine

This article suggests that the modern discourse in Switzerland about neutrality signals a change in nature of the global understanding of neutrality from an apparently unchallengeable generic moral stance to a doctrine that requires individual policy consideration on a case-by-case basis.     

The Renewed ‘Struggle for Syria’: From the War ‘in’ Syria to the War ‘over’ Syria

ABSTRACT

Syria is generally considered a case of non-intervention. One of the dominant (since the 1990s) kinds of intervention, namely multilateral humanitarian intervention, failed, as did other attempts by a select group of countries to implement a ‘red line’ concerning the use of chemical weapons. However, in this case, there is no sharp dichotomy between intervention and non-intervention. In lieu of an intervention that would tilt the balance and coordinate help to halt massacres, various rival and uncoordinated international and regional interventions overlapped over time, fuelling a market for violence. ‘Weakened interventionism’, as opposed to principled and hierarchical intervention, has manifested itself in Syria in a model recalling “the struggle for Syria” of the 1960s in a new, contemporary setting.     

International bounty hunting: From problem to opportunity

Scholars have traditionally argued that Islamist terrorist groups tend to commit higher casualty attacks. Noting that casualty rates of attacks vary widely across Islamist terrorist groups, this study advances an alternative hypothesis that group organizational features and goal structures better explain differing casualty rates than does the overarching ideological type. Using both cross-national analysis and a case study of post-invasion Iraq, I demonstrate that there are two basic types of Islamist terrorist groups whose organizational and goal-structure features explain divergent casualty rates: “strategic groups” that function similarly to secular national-liberation and regime-change movements and “abstract/universal groups” that are affiliated with the global al-Qaeda network.     

美日安全合作:从地区走向全球

美日同盟是美国维持亚太秩序的重要基石,也是日本外交政策的基轴,随着中国的崛起,美日双方已然意识到原有的同盟框架难以应对来自中国的挑战。为此,美日通过制订新的《美日防卫合作指针》,强化美日同盟,加强双方在全球范围内的安全合作。然而,美日安全合作同时也面临着质疑与否定,在美日两国内,长期以来一直存在着对美日同盟的争论。未来美日安全合作将如何发展,不仅取决于日本的安全感知,更取决于美国在国内国际新形势下将会采取的战略。由于美国新任总统特朗普一以贯之的对日负面认知,使得日本政府和国民对于特朗普的对日政策不抱期待。然而,特朗普上台后并不会撤走驻日美军,更不会让美日同盟解体,同时,商人出身的特朗普并不反对自由贸易,其反对的是无法贯彻其意志的自由贸易。因此,在特朗普总统任期中,其特有的个性和自信,将会使未来美国的对日政策打上"特式"烙印,这为美日关系的发展增加了许多不确定因素,美日同盟可能面临新的危机。     

扎尔达里：从阶下囚到总统

今年8月18日，迫于弹劾压力的穆沙拉夫宣布辞职后，9月6日巴基斯坦再次举行总统选举。结果已故前总理贝·布托的丈夫扎尔达里以较大优势击败对手，成功当选巴基斯坦新一届总统，任期5年。扎尔达里的胜出，不仅使布托家族又重新回到了政治权力舞台的中央，也使其自身身份发生了重大蜕变：从阶下囚到总统。     

美国与上海合作组织:从布什到奥巴马

随着奥巴马政府调整美国的外交政策和阿富汗局势的恶化,有迹象显示美国可能会改变对上海合作组织的政策,从务实的角度加强与上海合作组织的合作,发展与上海合作组织的关系。     

新中国边界政策:从陆地到海洋

新中国的边界政策是在解决与缅甸等周边邻国边界争端的过程中逐步形成和发展起来的,体现了和平协商、互谅互让与相互调整以及睦邻、安邻等特点.由于一些海上邻国对中国海洋领土主权的不时挑衅和侵犯,中国维护海洋领土主权及权益面临着巨大挑战,也使"主权属我、搁置争议、共同开发"的政策受到了质疑.不过,在今后一个较长时期内中国政府要做的不是放弃这一政策,而是应采取积极有力措施强化其实施效力.     

卡尔扎伊访美难弥美阿分歧

今年5月10—13日,卡尔扎伊率高级别代表团访问美国。美国给予阿富汗代表团以隆重礼遇,总统奥巴马、国务卿希拉里、副总统拜登、参谋长联席会议主席马伦、驻阿美军最高指挥官麦克里斯特尔等军政高官集体出动,会见卡尔扎伊及其代表团。     

从巴基斯坦洪灾透视南亚地区安全环境

洪灾等非传统安全威胁具有外溢性、联动性特点,不仅影响一国政治稳定和社会经济发展,而且使整个地区的安全环境更加复杂。2010年巴基斯坦洪灾为理解此类非传统安全威胁提供了一个很好的例证。大国（美国、印度和中国）在巴进行救灾和重建合作的同时,其传统的地缘战略竞争并未消失。     

Ambassador Laurence Steinhardt: From New York to Prague

The present article first traces Ambassador Steinhardt's career from his days at Columbia University (1909–1915) to his successful legal career as a partner at Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall in New York City. It then studies Steinhardt's diplomatic career that commenced in 1933, when President Roosevelt sent him as U.S. minister in Sweden. This was followed by appointments—as U.S. ambassador—in Peru and the Soviet Union. His wartime service as U.S. ambassador to Turkey is examined closely since the lessons learned there would have been applicable at his next post, Prague, Czechoslovakia.     

Ambassador Laurence Steinhardt: From New York to Prague

The present article first traces Ambassador Steinhardt's career from his days at Columbia University (1909-1915) to his successful legal career as a partner at Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall in New York City. It then studies Steinhardt's diplomatic career that commenced in 1933, when President Roosevelt sent him as U.S. minister in Sweden. This was followed by appointments—as U.S. ambassador—in Peru and the Soviet Union. His wartime service as U.S. ambassador to Turkey is examined closely since the lessons learned there would have been applicable at his next post, Prague, Czechoslovakia.     

"普京计划"——从理论到实践

普京任俄罗斯政府总理已经1年多,如果说,领衔统一俄罗斯党、推出梅德韦杰夫为自己的接班人、不惜降低身价甘作第二把手以辅佐新任总统也是"普京计划"的重要内容之一的话,那么如今这个计划可以说已经实现了.究竟什么是"普京计划"?本文对此进行了介绍并认为"普京时代"还在延续,"普京计划"已经从当初的竞选口号演变成为俄罗斯政府的实际工作计划,但其面临的困难和挑战也非常严峻.     

From Lothringen to Lorraine: Expulsion and Voluntary Repatriation

Between December 1918 and the end of 1921, the French authorities sought to “cleanse” the Moselle region of Germans as part of a programme of francisation. Different commissions, operating without any proper legal basis worked to identify and classify native and German immigrant indésirables respectively; their victims faced undignified, even harrowing train journeys to Germany. Those who remained faced the ever present risks of denunciation or harrassment, prompting them to opt for voluntary repatriation to Germany. Again, the circumstances of their departure were far from ideal. Like the expellees they suffered the sequestration and liquidation of their property, being allowed to take with them a minimum of cash and hand luggage. Nearly 100,000 Germans left the Moselle in this way; only a very few returned once the Versailles Treaty allowed for a limited number of naturalisations.