State-Sponsored Social Control of Illegitimate Social Movements: Strategies Used to Financially Damage Radical Islamic,Terrorist-Labeled Organizations

This article documents strategies and tactics of social control used by the U.S. government to detect and deter financing of radical Islamic, terrorist-labeled organizations. Through grounded theory, social control strategies were identified based on data from congressional committee hearings from 1999 to 2011. Findings revealed the presence of nine such strategies: (1) discover sources of funding, (2) deny or restrict access to money, (3) establish information networks and communication norms, (4) create derogatory labels, (5) influence the media, (6) impose legal sanctions, (7) offer financial incentives, (8) construct a shared collective identity, and (9) force terrorist-labeled organizations on the defensive.     

Making Land Rights Accessible: Social Movements and Political-Legal Innovation in the Rural Philippines

In recent years, rule of law and legal reform has grown to be a major concern of national governments, international financial institutions, development agencies and donor organisations. Part of this concern has focused on expanding access to justice for the poor. However, little effort has gone into understanding the role of justice sector institutions in shaping the opportunities and limits of redistributive justice. Little attention has been paid to the actual workings of obstacles entrenched within the justice sector to land reform, for example. Instead, pro-market scholars cite difficult legal problems as a reason to turn away from state-led land reform and toward market-oriented land policies. Yet as this paper shows, a closer look at the details of dynamics around land reform in the Philippines suggests that political-legal problems associated with implementation of the agrarian reform law can be overcome under certain conditions. It is argued that for rural poor claimants it is important to have access to a support structure for political-legal mobilisation, particularly an alternative ‘rights-advocacy’ outreach network, and also to adopt an integrated political-legal strategy. An integrated political-legal strategy is one that is capable of activating state agrarian reform law, exploiting independent state actors' pro-reform initiatives, and resisting the legal and extra-legal manoeuvres of anti-reform elites. However, such a strategy appears to have limits as well.     

How Social Media Splits the Global Conversation

A disconnect has emerged between authority and influence, between the established platforms of informed public debate and the new dominance of social media.     

The Struggle to Be Seen: Social Movements and the Public Sphere in Brazil

This paper analyzes how community movement activity in three popular neighborhoods in Belém, Brazil, shaped the dynamics of contention in the public sphere. Popular social forces, elite actors, and the state mutually influence each other across three moments of public interaction: it clarifying popular discourse, it the struggle to be seen, and routine politics. The article reverses the usual picture in movement research, which emphasizes movements as organizational outcomes to be explained, and instead builds on a body of research that explores how movements can contribute to broader processes of political change.     

Social Movements and the Construction of Crisis Actors: Collective Responsibility,Identity, and Governance

This article examines the Europeanization of social movements following the European sovereign debt crisis. It develops a theoretical framework to measure degrees of social movement Europeanization, incorporating targets, participants, and issue frame dimensions of mobilization. Europeanization of social movements occurs when they collaborate with similar movements in other countries, claim a European identity, invoke Europe-wide solidarity, contest authorities beyond the state and ascribe responsibility for solving the crisis to European Union (EU). By targeting EU authorities, social movements may contribute to the construction of the EU as a crisis actor and through deliberative processes define the roles and identities of such actors.     

部分国际大都市处理社会分化的经验与启示

改革开放近三十年来,中国城市面临着全球化背景下城市职能的分工与协作,不断走向国际化.城市社会已从简单一元化向复杂多元化进行社会分化,社会利益结构发生了变动,形成了不同的利益群体.     

Outside Support for Insurgent Movements

When assessing insurgencies, understanding the role of transnational factors is vital. This article explores how outside powers support an insurgency, focusing on four types of actors: states, diasporas, refugees, and other insurgencies. It also examines the pitfalls and limits of outside support and assesses why such support is so hard to stop. The article concludes by offering implications for the conflict in Syria and discussing several policy implications with a particular emphasis on why outside support is hard to stop.     

论社会转型期的公民文化培育

新制度的产生并不会随之带来一种新的政治文化,而没有新的政治文化,新的制度就有名无实.因此,中国社会转型时期不仅要注重宪政制度的设计和安排,还必须关注公民政治意识的孵化,即公民文化的培育.因为公民文化是一种平衡的政治取向,维权以守法为要旨,议政以认同为基础,参与以有序为前提,纷争以节制为条件,批评以宽容为原则,其特质是理性处世论事.公民文化培育的前提是推行公民教育,关键在于提高公民素质,基础是创造条件积极鼓励公民践行政治活动.这是培育公民文化的三个重要方面,也可以说是一个内在的逻辑发展过程.     

Youth Movements and Elections in Belarus

This article offers a contribution to the comparative democratisation literature by analysing the use of non-violent methods of resistance in a repressive political regime. It focuses on the role of youth movements in elections in Belarus. Elections present an opportunity for the engagement of youth in politics. The study examines how the youth movements Malady Front, Zubr and Belarusian Patriotic Youth Union sought to mobilise young people during the 2001 election. It analyses movement tactics and state action in response to youth mobilisation.     

Culture on the Rise: How and Why Cultural Membership Promotes Democratic Politics

Selectively using Tocqueville, many social scientists suggest that civic participation increases democracy. We go beyond this neo-Tocquevillian model in three ways. First, to capture broader political and economic transformations, we consider different types of participation; results change if we analyze separate participation arenas. Some are declining, but a dramatic finding is the rise of arts and culture. Second, to assess impacts of participation, we study more dimensions of democratic politics, including distinct norms of citizenship and their associated political repertoires. Third, by analyzing global International Social Survey Programme and World Values Survey data, we identify dramatic subcultural differences: the Tocquevillian model is positive, negative, or zero in different subcultures and contexts that we explicate.     

The Importance of Voluntary Associations for Guerrilla Movements

The question I examine in this article is why is it that under certain circumstances a guerrilla movement succeeds while under others it fails? The hypotheses that I shall present below are the greater the number and variety of voluntary associations supporting the guerrilla movement, compared with the number of associations supporting the regime, the greater is the guerillas’ level of success. Voluntary associations can fulfill the guerrilla's basic needs: resources, organizational ability, and obligation. Achieving these needs assist the guerrilla in realizing: population support; inter-class allies; military force; governmental function, which in turn allows the realization of the political objectives.     

Infighting and Ideology: How Conflict Informs the Local Culture of the Chicago Dyke March

Although the study of local cultures has become established in American sociology, it often ignores the contested nature of how culture emerges and is negotiated within the context of small groups. To this end, we address the concept of infighting, a subtype of conflict, as it operates within a small group framework. Building on an ethnographic study of the Chicago Dyke March, we demonstrate that infighting highlights competing ideologies that may remain implicit in the absence of such conflict. Infighting treats divergent meaning systems as part of local contention between rival cliques and power centers. These ideological battles both reflect pre-existing differences between subgroups and serve to make explicit and public such differences, both in their background characteristics and in their interests. In the process infighting directs attention away from shared concerns and group building to questions of strategy, transforming the small group into an arena of ideological production and factional rivalry. Infighting recasts a group from a space of consensus to a contested political arena. We elaborate four analytic processes through which infighting connects to ideology and small group culture: infighting emphasizes the multivocality of meaning, cultural heterogeneity, an equilibrium of inclusion and group boundaries, and planning in light of ideologies of power.     

New Political Movements and Governance in Latin America

ABSTRACT

This article argues that traditional governance in Latin America is in crisis. Globalization and IMF-advocated neoliberal economic policy have left the masses behind, despite the growth of democracy. Traditional governing structures often cannot respond to popular needs, and they are being challenged by a series of new, highly politicized social movements like the indigenous and peasant movements in Bolivia, popular assemblies in Argentina, and the Landless Movement in Brazil. In the process, new forms of popular mobilization and participatory decision making are challenging entrenched authoritarian attitudes and practices and making way for new political-bureaucratic structures and a new political culture.     

Welfare as Warfare: How Violent Non-State Groups Use Social Services to Attack the State

Several violent non-state groups also administer social services. Although earlier works stress the effects of social service provision on support and sympathy for violent groups, this article emphasizes a broader challenge. Namely, social welfare organizations threaten to rob the state of the legitimacy it derives through the social contract. Abolishing these organizations can cause humanitarian crises, radicalize populations, and erode domestic and international policy support. Ignoring them invites the continued erosion of state power. The way out of this dilemma is through a strategy of “displacement,” whereby the state eradicates non-state social services while concurrently extending its own welfare capacity.