Occupational Logics and Political Commitment: American Artists Against the Iraq War

This article analyzes the political commitment of American artists, belonging to various art worlds, against the recent war in Iraq. Through the construction of three types of trajectories, I distinguish several mechanisms of commitment and forms of political involvement. I show how artists' heterogeneous professional identities structure their political commitment throughout the protest, how occupational logics shape the possible forms of action, in the artists' eyes. In the second part of the article, I focus on what is changing, in this context, in the relationships between the artistic and the political spheres, and what is revealed about their ordinary functioning. As a result of the increasing differentiation and specialization of the spheres of action in our societies, it has become more and more difficult and illegitimate for artists to fuse their artwork and their political positions. At the same time, individuals with strong resources of notoriety, especially in the film industry, have demanded a new role of public representation, challenging the exclusive political legitimacy to represent people.     

我从事党的对外工作的几点体会

2011年,我们将迎来中国共产党建党90周年和中联部建部60周年的喜庆日子。我写一篇文章,谈谈我个人从事党的对外工作的几点具体体会。     

An Alternative Understanding of Political Participation: Challenging the Myth of Political Indifference in Hong Kong

Abstract

The characterization of Hong Kong's political culture as one of indifference deserves further examination as the inquiries conducted by proponents of the indifference framework have all used a narrow definition of political participation. This paper begins with a critique of the inherent narrowness of orthodox definitions of political participation: political participation as acts making demands on a government; as lawful activities; and as activities vis‐a‐vis one government. Contrast these assumptions, the author contends that political participation needs to be understood as activities that include both making demands on and showing support for a government, as well as both lawful and unlawful activities. Furthermore, the author refutes the one‐government‐locus theme of the orthodox concept and proposes a three‐government‐loci theme that is more relevant to the historical experience of the colonial Hong Kong. The political relevance of the social domain and its implications on broadening the definition of political participation are discussed. Finally, the author argues for the importance of considering discursive participation as a form of political participation in Hong Kong.     

Understanding Local Political Leadership: Constitutions,Contexts and Capabilities

Despite Labour's clear vision of a new form of local political leadership, the impact of the Local Government Act 2000 has been limited - but at the same time diverse. Local authorities have overwhelmingly selected the 'least change' option, but have elaborated the new models in a variety of ways. Drawing on case study data and a new institutionalist framework, the article looks beyond formal structures at the emerging practice of local political leadership. The government's structure-led approach has not delivered its 'ideal type' of local political leadership. The interaction of constitutions, contexts and capabilities is producing diverse experiences of political leadership and an uneven patterning of change and continuity. Future reform efforts should concentrate less upon the specification and imposition of formal structures and more upon facilitating local processes of institution-building.     

Political Capital,Everyday Politics and Moral Obligations: Understanding the Political Strategies of Various Elites and the Poor in Kyrgyzstan

Using the Bourdieusian framework to analyse the nature of social stratification in rural Kyrgyzstan, this article examines how local politics is strategised by different groups in the social field. The article suggests two modifications to the Bourdieusian framework to reflect better the nature of local politics. First, despite lacking significant capital holdings, poor groups undertake everyday resistance and mediated politics. Second, intellectual and traditional elites engage in the politics of ‘doing the right thing’, motivated by a sense of moral obligation. The article provides a critical challenge to the concept of clan and elite-led politics which is often used to explain events in Central Asia.     

Contextualizing Political Terrorism: A Collective Action Perspective for Understanding the Tanzim

An attempt is made to embed the study of political terrorism within the larger phenomenon of Collective Action. It is suggested that the analysis of dynamics within and between components of Collective Action—structure of conflict, a social movement, authorities, and contention—can be beneficial for gaining additional insights into the study of group risk for political terrorism. Using the case of the Tanzim contention with Israeli forces it is demonstrated how processes within, between, and outside the conflictants affected Tanzim members' decision to employ political terrorism. Based on the analysis, several implications for counterterrorism are offered.     

增进相互了解 加强政治互信——记第三届中英青年政治家论坛

9月15-16日,中联部副部长刘结一率中共青年干部代表团出席由英国英中协会在英国牛津郡迪切利庄园主办的第三届中英青年政治家论坛。     

理解未成年人检察制度

作为少年司法制度的重要组成部分，我国未成年人检察制度远远还没有完善到只需墨守成规的时候，当前，必须加快未成年人检察制度的探索与改革。可喜的是，最高人民检察院在《关于进一步深化检察改革的三年实施意见》（2005年9月）中规定“在检察机关实行未成年人犯罪案件专人负责制，有条件的地方逐步设立办理未成年人犯罪案件工作机构”，对未成年人检察改革作出了重要的规划。最高人民检察院新修订的《办理未成年人刑事案件的规定》则将我国的未成年人检察制度建设推向了一个新的历史水平。     

How Political Opportunities Strengthen the Far Right: Understanding the Rise in Far-Right Militancy in Russia

This article provides an overview of recent activities of the far right in Russia (2004–2006) and shows how formal organisations of the far right interact with skinhead subcultures and local communities. It argues that government actions have facilitated an increase in recent far-right militancy (2004–2006) in Russia: the authorities have provided the far-right with political opportunities that their organisations use to coordinate further actions, recruit new members and gain visibility.     

深化战略互信 促进全面合作——在中欧政党高层论坛上的致辞

女士们、先生们、朋友们：晚上好!今晚有机会与大家欢聚一堂,感到十分高兴。首先,我要向来自欧洲地区性政党、欧洲议会党团和欧洲各国主要政党的领导人及驻华使节,表示热烈的欢迎和诚挚的谢意,感谢你们长期以来为促进中欧关系发展、增进中欧人民友谊作出的努力与贡献!     

东欧制度变迁中的政党与政治思潮研究

本文通过对苏联、东欧国家十几年来政党格局和社会政治思潮变化的分析,考察了制度变迁的特点与后果.苏联、东欧国家制度变迁的过程中,政党出现了异乎寻常的剧烈变动,原来执政的共产党纷纷倒台.实行多党制后,政党政治逐渐走向制度化,议会也成为国家政治的中心,基本上进入西方现代资本主义国家的政体范畴,从政治体制上结束了斯大林模式.同时,各国原有的以马克思主义为主导的主流文化丧失,各种潜在的或外来的政治思潮涌现,在制度变迁中起着催化剂的作用.自由主义、民主社会主义和民族主义这三股思潮在苏东国家制度变迁和变迁后的十几年中,不同程度地左右着政局和社会的变化.由此给我们的启示是,执政党要充分认识社会政治思潮的重要作用,在社会主义建设实践中要不断总结经验,不断进行理论创新.     

“俄罗斯社会主义”的困惑与启示

俄罗斯共产党成立于1990年6月,是苏联解体后在苏联共产党基础上重建的众多党派中力量最大、人数最多、群众动员能力最强的马克思主义政党,其发展历程几乎贯穿了俄罗斯社会十几年巨变的整个时期,在国家政治生活中扮演着重要角色,对俄罗斯政治社会发展产生了重大影响。近20年来,俄罗斯共产党虽历经挫折,饱受磨难,但它却始终以复兴社会主义为其目标和方向,     

发展中国家政党体制面临的挑战及未来走势

政党政治在大多数发展中国家实行时间并不长,政党．体制的成熟和完善还需一个较长的过程。当前,由于国际和国内形势的深刻变化,无论采取何种政党体制,发展中国家都不同程度地出现了这样或那样的问题,面临诸多考验。     

发展中国家政党体制类型及利弊分析

发展中国家政党体制多种多样，且不断变化，梳理其类型和运作方式、比较其优势和不足，对于理解政党在发展中国家政治、社会生活中的地位和作用及各政党之间的相互关系，把握发展中国家政党政治变化的特点和规律都有重要意义。     

健全有中国特色的横向分权制约制度

完善我国权力制约机制,不能简单地照搬西方国家的"三权分立"制度,但不能因此否认"分权制约"原则;文章探讨了有中国特色的横向分权制约制度的内涵,论述了它的特色,就如何使其更完善健全提出了一些初步的设想和建议.     

Governance Structures and Political Processes in a Public System: Lessons from Quebec

Debates about the form and nature of changes in the management of public systems have for some time now been articulated under the theme of governance. All definitions of governance are related to the problems of securing convergence among a diversity of actors and organizations, of redistributing power in an organizational or social field characterized by a high level of heterogeneity and of gaining sufficient legitimacy to act in the name of the collectivity. This paper concentrates on the dynamics involved in the emergence of new governing capabilities in public systems. More precisely we study the implementation of regionalization policies in the health care field (in this case of Canada) conceived as one major attempt to renew the governance structures in a large public system. Our study draws on the comparative analysis of empirical regulation in three health regions as contrasted with three ideal type models of governance in regionalized systems. The first model is inspired by an economic approach to organizational behaviour and focuses on mandate‐giving, execution and control. The second model is based on a political interpretation of behaviours and focuses on negotiation processes between actors. Finally, the third model is based on the theory of deliberation as well as the institutional school of policy analysis and focuses on direct public participation in public affairs. Evidence for this article is primarily derived from interviews with key informants and documentary analysis. Our analysis shows that none of the three models is sufficient in itself to grant regional structures the authority and legitimacy they need to create added value in terms of regulation that could ensure their survival. Regional Boards are thus forced by environmental constraints to conceive and implement original mixes of these models. The two predominant logics in regional action are inspired by the first two models although the last one also has an influence. Overall, our study also suggests that the implementation of new sources of governing authorities in a public system is rather fragile because of dependence on existing institutions. Clearly, the attempt to modify the dynamics of governance in a given system must be conceived as a political exercise and not just as a technical problem consisting of the rational adjustment of policy instruments.     

中国共产党对当代中国政治体制的创新

建国50多年来,中国共产党对中国传统的政治体制进行了一系列的改造和创新,从国家主权、政党政治制度、中央政府体制、人民民主专政制度、人民代表大会制度等多个方面重新塑造了中国的政治体制.这种创新是积极而稳妥的,是理论创新与实践创新的相互促进,坚持了解放思想和实事求是相结合的原则,走出了一条有中国特色的政治体制道路.