Benign Neglect: America's Threat to the Anglo-American Alliance

The United States can ill afford to lose the loyalty of proven allies. Yet it risks currently weakening one of its most important and enduring friendships. British popular support for America has been shaken and elite commitment to the special relationship faces a potentially formidable array of contrary strategic and partisan arguments. Some of these are overstated but there is a further danger that is little mentioned but just as corrosive—American benign neglect. If in the pursuit of new allies and objectives America is not to squander extant assets, then it must do more to nurture the reflexive British Atlanticism that has helped sustain Anglo-American relations through their numerous crises.     

The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire

The dominant narrative concerning the Bush Doctrine maintains that it is a dangerous innovation, an anomaly that violates the principles of sound policy as articulated by the Founders. According to the conventional wisdom, the Bush Doctrine represents the exploitation of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, by a small group of ideologues—the “neoconservatives”—to gain control of national policy and lead the United States into the war in Iraq, a war that should never have been fought. But far from a being a neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine is, in fact, well within the mainstream of U.S. foreign policy and very much in keeping with the vision of America's founding generation and the practice of the statesmen in the Early Republic. The Bush Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of the fact that U.S. national interest has always been concerned with more than simple security.     

An Uncertain Moment: the Dilemmas Facing European Democracy

The recent European debt crisis unexpectedly prolonged the region＇s woes following the global financial tsunami of 2008. From 2012, an uneasiness has been brewing over whether the debt crisis was not just an economic crisis but also a political one. The media has been awash with terms such as ＂democratic deficit＂, ＂legitimacy crisis＂ and ＂democratic crisis＂.1 German sociologist Jurgen Habermas lamented： ＂Sometime after 2008, I understood that the process of expansion, integration and democratization doesn＇t automatically move forward of its own accord, that it＇ s reversible, that for the first time in the history of the EU, we are actually experiencing a dismantling of democracy. I didn＇t think this was possible. We＇ ve reached a crossroads.＂2 In 2013, the theme of the Political Studies Association Annual International Conference in the UK was ＂The Party＇s Over？＂.     

美国共和党外交理念刍议

一、共和党外交政策回顾二战以来 ,美国共和党与民主党执政时间都是 2 8年。在外交上 ,共和党往往给人留下强硬派印象 ,其一贯特点是强调实力外交地位 ,奉行现实主义对外政策 ,但始终带有明显的保守主义意识形态色彩。2 0世纪 60年代末 ,一向以反共著称的共和党人尼克松当选总统。作为现实主义者的尼克松知道与美国的意识形态宿敌接触符合其国家利益 ,只有缓和才能赢得喘息之机 ,但应以实力地位为前提。他一上台就与中苏两个共产党国家搞缓和 ,以争取喘息的时间。同样 ,里根也以反共著称。里根政府采取强硬的对苏政策 ,实施推回战略。它认为…     

伊拉克民族构建问题的根源及其影响

作为文明古国的伊拉克 ,在今天仍然存在着较为严重的民族构建问题 ,主要根源是 :领土和统一国家形成的晚近及各地区间联系的薄弱 ,现代伊拉克的版图最终确立至今不到 6 0年 ;库尔德人与阿拉伯人之间尖锐的民族矛盾影响到国家的稳定 ;逊尼派和什叶派的教派矛盾 ;游牧民的频繁袭扰与部族社会的长期存在 ,在定居农村、甚至城市中不同程度地保留了部落关系及其价值观念。它们对伊拉克现代民族国家和社会经济的发展产生了深远的负面影响 ,其具体后果有 :经济规模的小型化、血缘关系的长期存在及阶级关系的不发达、小党派林立并深受传统因素的影响、激烈而血腥的政治斗争及统治者的独裁等。     

印度本土的环保主义:传统与今天

印度自古以来的生活方式、文化传统和宗教信仰 ,都无不体现了一种既出自纯朴天性、又基于深邃哲理的对自然的尊重与保护。这一传统在今天的印度依然有着根深蒂固的影响 ,这主要表现于当代印度环保理论的几种本土化模式之中。印度文化对于自然和生态的独特而突出的情感、认识和保护实践 ,具有其古而常新的价值。     

古埃及巨石文化的内涵与成因探析

巨石文化是埃及文明的重要组成部分,是古埃及人智慧的结晶。巨石文化的内涵在于体现王权、表现神力,其中蕴涵着古埃及人延续生命、追求永恒的思想;同时巨石建筑包涵民族审美底蕴,具有凝聚人心的巨大社会价值。巨石文化的成因在于它具有多石的地理条件、富裕的农耕经济,以及在此基础上形成的埃及人的原始思维和宗教思想。巨石文化积淀着古埃及的政治、经济、宗教、美学和社会等诸多学科内涵,是古埃及留给后人的世界文化遗产。巨石文化在人类历史发展中具有重要地位。     

Return to Tradition in the Name of Change

The author argues that although a new military strategy of US Armed Forces is far from being completed, an outline has emerged, that is to develop a military strategy suitable for ＂soft power diplomacy＂, rather than Bush＇s strategy of unilateralism and preemption. The author then makes some analysis on the difficulties Obama is facing to fulfill this change.     

大选年重塑拉美地区政治格局

2006年,拉美有10多个国家举行大选。左派纷纷上台执政,标志着左派力量的发展进入一个新高潮。拉美左派上台是拉美民众对新自由主义经济政策失望、社会两极分化贫富加剧的必然结果,是民意的反映。拉美左派分为激进左派和温和左派,其共同点是强调消灭贫困,缩小贫富差距,不同点在于对私有化的立场以及政府对经济干预的程度。左派执政对拉美政治格局以及这些国家对美国的外交关系都会带来新的变化,美国对拉美的政策也将随之调整。拉美左派未来的执政特点是务实,将更加关注民众利益。左派执政局面将持续下去。     

Science and technology in the South Atlantic: minding the gaps

The notion of a geopolitical system known as the South Atlantic is severely tested when it comes to science and technology (S&T), especially given the enormous disparities between (and sometimes within) countries of the region. The essay attempts to characterise the S&T policy pursuits of these countries by dividing them into the most advanced (Brazil and South Africa) versus the poorer remainder, and identifying the most powerful drivers for S&T investment for each group. The practical needs of social and economic development for the latter group are self‐evident. Rather more subtle are the multifaceted initiatives of the two more developed countries, with drivers ranging from prestige and national security to economic competitiveness and growth. The increasing complexity of policy making in Brazil and South Africa is driving analysis of their behaviour more towards the model of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. A major restraint on better research is the parlous state of data on research and development in all of the countries of the region; finding a remedy for that weakness would not only benefit policy researchers but also the policy makers themselves, who lack adequate feedback mechanisms for their investment paths in S&T.     

美国的不完全霸权与东亚地区秩序的转型

自冷战结束以来,东亚地区秩序一直处于转型之中。从域内大国权力分配格局、不同层次制度安排形式及地区认同意识等构成地区秩序的三个要素来考察,美国在东亚地区仍处于政治安全领域的主导地位,但在经济和地区认同方面正受到越来越多的挑战,美国在东亚地区的权力状况呈现出一种"不完全霸权"的态势。未来新型的东亚地区秩序将在美国的"不完全霸权"、中国的崛起及东亚地区主义的发展等因素相互博弈的进程中以和平方式确立起来。