Ronald Reagan,Exemplar of Conservative Internationalism?

This article assesses the foreign policy of Ronald Reagan's presidency through the lens of conservative internationalism. It finds that the Reagan administration largely embodied the principles of conservative internationalism, particularly through its integration of force with statecraft, the priority it gave to cooperative relations with allies, and its support for the global expansion of political and economic liberty.     

Conservative Internationalism and the Trump Administration?

This article outlines the principles of a new conservative internationalism for the Trump era, and discusses how well the administration's actions and words fit this paradigm. In order for Republicans and conservatives to reclaim their reputation as the party of strong national defense and competent foreign policy, current and future policymakers need to blend some traditional principles of conservative internationalist foreign policy with new adaptations required by challenging international security developments on the one hand, and changes in the domestic political views of right-leaning American voters on the other. A year into the Trump administration, there are some signs that the administration is indeed attempting to adjust slightly rather than replace the traditional principles of conservative Republican foreign policy, and therefore the “America First” grand strategy framework might become much more traditional in its actual policy decisions than in some of its rhetoric.     

Which Cosmopolitanism? Whose Empire? Or Why the Schmittian Charge of “Liberal Imperialism” is Only Half Right

This article examines the Schmittian-inspired charge that liberalism is intrinsically imperialistic and that it dehumanises alternative illiberal political projects in ways that lead to disproportionate and indiscriminate violence. It focuses specifically on the charge that the US war on terror is the latest manifestation of this kind of liberal imperialism. Such an argument only makes sense when liberalism is combined with exclusionary modes of nationalism and realism. This synthesis underpins the “hard Wilsonianism” of American neoconservatism. The article argues that the Schmittian-inspired charge of imperialism cannot be properly directed at the more inclusionary cosmopolitan forms of liberalism, which is illustrated with reference to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.     

Afghan Refugees in Pakistan: Not All Refugees, Not Always in Pakistan, Not Necessarily Afghan?

In 2001, there were estimated to be two million Afghan refugeesin Pakistan. In the past six years, however, over 3.5 millionrefugees have returned, and recent census data show that nearly2.5 million still remain in Pakistan. Three straightforwardexplanations for this monumental discrepancy have been posited:Afghans’ high birthrates, their history of cross-bordermigration, and increasing levels of urbanization in Pakistan.Yet the fact that none of these processes comes as a surpriseto researchers familiar with the history of Afghan refugeesbegs a still deeper question: how and why were these processesso utterly overlooked in 2001? The answer, it is argued, isa fundamental confusion not only in how we count refugees butin how we conceptualize them. The dichotomous distinction betweenrefugees and non-refugees, while possessing a certain legalclarity, does a poor job of describing the reality of individualswhose movements are influenced by numerous social, political,and economic factors.     

Why the Miracle?

In stark contrast to some Third World countries where West-imposed democ-ratization triggered chaos, conflict and even civil war, the four-year demo-cratic transition in South Africa-begun with Nelson Mandela's release in Febu-rary 1990 and realized in the peaceful transfer of power through an all-race generalelection in April 1994-had been characterized by a combination of freedom strug-     

Enhanced National Integration,Not Fragmentation

China has such a vast territory with a huge population and a diversity of localconditions that Mao Zedong once compared the country itself to a“mini U-nited Nations.”In an article entitled“Ten Major Relations”written in 1955,Maodevoted two entire separate sections to analyze how to treat central-local andcoastal-interior relations,issues closely related to the development of the national e-conomy and preservation of national unity.He recognized the importance of mobi-lizing the initiative of the localities,yet the highly centralized planning system made     

Why Target the “Good Guys”? The Determinants of Terrorism Against NGOs

Why would a terrorist group target nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)? We theorize that certain types of NGOs, namely those using mainly nonviolent pressure to advocate for changes in government human rights practices, influence the behaviors of potential terrorist group supporters in ways not liked by terrorist organizations. These advocacy-based human rights NGOs make terrorism attacks against the whole NGO sector more likely by changing the dynamics of terrorist-domestic audience relations in ways that threaten to limit audience support of terrorist groups. Other types of NGOs, especially those that do not have an advocacy focus, are less likely to directly challenge the terrorist organization or the state and can provide resources utilized by terrorist groups and potential sympathizers. Thus, their presence would not increase the likelihood of any NGO-targeted terrorist attacks. A global test of these dynamics supports our basic hypotheses.     

Not Whether,But When? Governments’ Use of Militias in War

Abstract

Although government use of militias during civil conflict can ultimately undermine state authority, governments still use militias for battlefield assistance. This paper examines the selectivity of government decisions to use militias by disaggregating civil conflict to the level of battle phases. Civil-conflict battles typically consist of four phases: preparation, clear, hold, and build. I argue that governments decide to use militias based on the strength of government security forces, operational advantages of militias, and the type of battle phase. Governments will limit the use of militias during key battle phases that are likely to receive increased media attention unless a victory secured by government security forces is unlikely or militias hold an operational advantage. A comparative analysis of the offensive operations in Tikrit and Ramadi during Iraq’s war against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) lends initial support to this theory.     

Why Is There an ISIL?

In June 2014,the self-proclaimed Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)1——an extremist organization——suddenly appeared in Mosul in Northern Iraq.Since then it has rapidly expanded its sphere of influence,to incorporate much of northern and western Iraq.Strategists,both in China and overseas,are puzzling over this Islamic State.Some scholars argue that the west Asian political landscape that was carved out 100 years ago is collapsing.ISIL's influence is spreading throughout the Middle East and threatening global security.     

Why do authoritarian regimes adopt bicameralism? Cooptation,control, and masking controversial reforms

The adoption of bicameralism in the world is increasingly an authoritarian phenomenon: while the percentage of bicameral democracies is in decline, there has been a steady increase in bicameral non-democracies. What makes non-democracies turn to bicameralism? We argue that bicameralism may serve as a means of post-conflict reconciliation or control of the legislature when the opposition gains seats in the lower chamber. We also propose a novel explanation whereby the introduction of bicameralism helps to mask a set of more controversial constitutional reforms. Drawing on a new dataset on second chambers from 1945 to 2016, we find that bicameralism is more likely to be adopted during years when formal presidential term limits are in place or when leaders are in their last term. This is because bicameralism is often a by-product of broad institutional reform that assists in justifying and legitimating the need for constitutional revision and in masking the extension of presidential term limits. The findings improve our understanding of institutions and institutional origins in dictatorships.     

Present at the Destruction? The Liberal Order in the Trump Era

Abstract

The election of Donald Trump in 2016 sent shock waves across political classes globally and prompted debates about whether his ‘America first’ agenda threatened the liberal international order. During his first year in office, Trump seemed determined to undermine the hallmarks of the liberal international order: democracy, liberal economics and international cooperation. So, are we witnessing the emergence of a “post-liberal” and “post-American” era? Four sources of evidence help frame – if not answer – the question: history, the crisis of liberal democracy, Trump’s world view, and the power of civil society (globally and nationally) to constrain any US President. They yield three main judgements. First, continuity often trumps change in US foreign policy. Second, the liberal international order may have been more fragile pre-Trump than was widely realised. Third, American power must be put at the service of its own democracy if the US is to become the example to the world it used to be.     

Why Did Napoleon Do It? Hubris,Security Dilemmas,Brinksmanship, and the 1812 Russian Campaign

This article explores the geopolitical and psychological reasons behind Napoleon's invasion of Russia.     

Conservative Leaders,Coalition, and Britain’s Decision for War in 1914

Conservative leaders may have had a decisive impact on the decision by the Liberal government to enter the Great War in August 1914. In a seminal article of 1975, Keith Wilson argued that their readiness to fight “cut the ground … from beneath the feet of the non-interventionists” in the Cabinet. Those ministers who had hitherto opposed war now recognised that continued divisions could bring the government’s collapse, in which case the Unionists, probably in a coalition with pro-war Liberals, would take office and enter the conflict anyway. Since Wilson’s essay, important light has focussed on Unionist thinking by works that look at the July Crisis as part of a longer party history. This analysis provides a detailed investigation of the actions of Unionist leaders in the days immediately leading to war. It resolves some of the main contradictions in the primary evidence, argues that the possibility of a coalition was very real and demonstrates that one key player—the first lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill—subsequently tried, with some success, to disguise his activities.     

Why work “at home”? Oxfam’s value-added and the UK Poverty Programme

International development NGOs are in existential crisis. Their legitimacy and added value are increasingly challenged. While scholars have focused on legitimacy, work on “value-added” is scarce. In particular, no research addresses the value of domestic programmes to international NGOs. This article rectifies this, focusing on the case of Oxfam GB’s UK Poverty Programme (UKPP). Using empirical research from 35 interviews with Oxfam GB staff, partners and beneficiaries and over 150 archive documents, the article identifies seven assets through which the programme provides value added to Oxfam GB. It highlights the possibility that these could offer insights into the dimensions of future INGOs.     

“欧洲的德国”,还是“德国的欧洲”?

“欧洲的德国”是以法国为首的大多数欧洲国家的长远目标,他们想借助欧洲共同体的集体力量来套住德国,因此竭力加速欧共体的深化。西方不少人认为,“德国的欧洲”则是德国追求的目标。据他们分析,德国的战略可分三层:第一步是支持西欧联合,把它作为根据地;第二步,以西欧为依托,扩大它在欧洲东部的影响,最终把欧洲变成“德国的欧洲”;第三步,以欧洲为基地,扮演大国角色,与美国分享世界“领导权”。无论从经济实力,或从政治影响,军事力量来看,德国都有可能实现其雄心。当然它的道路不会一帆风顺,还需要相当时间。     

“Sorry,wrong number”: Why media polls on gun control are often unreliable

Abstract

How scientific are the polls reported in the media on the gun‐control issue? Without arguing for or against gun controls, this article examines the interviewing and sampling methods used by media polls and finds that some polls claiming impressive majorities in favor of severe gun controls may not be accurate.     

Who Speaks for Women? Print Media Portrayals of Feminist and Conservative Women's Advocacy

Feminists have frequently accused media outlets of not giving them enough coverage and/or portraying them negatively. Conversely, conservative women have argued that media suffer from liberal biases. While some studies have addressed the larger question of media and ideological prejudices, none have examined how media report women's activism in comparative terms. Since feminist and conservative women's organizations vie with one another over who represents women's interests, how media portray them has implications for how well they achieve this goal. Using data gathered from four major national newspapers, this study analyzes how print journalists depict feminist and conservative women's activism over a 14-year span. In so doing, it provides information about frequency of media coverage, as well as how advocates are labeled, on which issues they are getting visibility, and whether or not media present feminist and conservative women's organizations as being in direct conflict with each other. Implications for understanding women's political efforts, broadly speaking, are also explored.