我国垄断型企业高管薪酬规制的当下问题与路径构建

强化激励和放松规制是垄断型企业高管薪酬激励的基本目标取向,也是检验薪酬激励改革成败的重要标准。经济转轨过程中要正确处理薪酬规制与薪酬激励的关系:薪酬机制运行之初,加强规制与强化激励可并行不悖,激励机制一旦完善,规制应自动退出。所以,构建垄断型企业高管薪酬规制机制,需选择最优规制强度以促成企业利益相关者目标函数的一致性,此举之关键在于建立垄断型企业高管权力的制衡机制。在分析我国垄断型企业高管薪酬规制问题的基础上,提出了政府规制路径、市场化规制路径和企业微观规制路径等三重垄断型企业高管薪酬规制建议,以期明确界定政府、市场、企业各自职能,强化规制责任,提高规制水平,促进我国垄断型企业可持续发展目标的实现。     

薪酬激励抑或情感支持:社会工作者流失之因探究

利用"中国社会工作者职业现状调查"数据,从工作满意度和离职倾向关系视角,探究社会工作者流失的原因。研究结果表明:工作满意度中的情感支持因子和薪酬激励因子均对社会工作者离职倾向有显著负向影响,其中薪酬激励因子对社会工作者离职倾向的影响要大于情感支持因子,且薪酬激励因子对社会工作者离职倾向的影响受到性别和年龄的调节。此外,报酬满意度是收入和离职倾向之间的中介变量。为降低社会工作者离职倾向,在制定社会工作政策时应对薪酬因素重点关注,且不仅要关注薪酬的"多少",更要重视薪酬的"满意度"。     

垄断性国有企业高管薪酬决定问题

伴随着垄断性国有企业的改革,国有企业开展了一系列以年薪制、经营者持股、经营者股票期权等为主要形式的薪酬制度改革,高管薪酬的决定因素也发生了较大变化。目前我国垄断性国有企业高管薪酬决定的现状与特点,说明我国正逐步建立起符合现代企业制度,在管理体制、激励方式与水平上与市场机制全面接轨的高管人员薪酬制度。但在垄断性国有企业的高管薪酬决定中仍然存在着各种问题,为此,要从垄断性国有企业高管薪酬决定的内容、调控以及充分发挥高管人员各种非货币性动机的隐性激励作用三方面来进行高管薪酬决定的设计,以较好地解决我国垄断性国有企业高管薪酬决定中存在的问题。     

风险资本投资高新技术企业的潜在风险及其规避机制——基于“高新技术企业融资决策模型”的研究

在信息经济学的理论框架下,构建了"高新技术企业融资决策模型",重点研究高新技术企业引入风险投资过程中可能出现的"道德风险"问题及其风险规避制度安排。研究发现,高新技术企业管理层薪酬应该高于传统企业的薪酬水平,这一薪酬水平的确定不仅要依据公司的业绩还要考虑到公司的规模。对于我国情况而言,目前应该提高高新技术企业管理层的货币性薪酬水平,同时充分发挥股权机制的激励作用。     

人力资源薪酬激励策略优化研究

作为人力资源管理核心业务之一的薪酬管理,管理难点在于其激励作用与企业经济能力之间策略绩效、成本制约的博弈。文章针对人力资源管理中薪酬管理的难点环节,提炼出影响薪酬管理的多类分级因素,并基于层次分析与因子分析对分层因素进行定性与定量结合的归类。研究发现,人力资源管理中的薪酬激励存在劳动供给"背弯"的现实困境,佐证了激励策略推行实施的难点,并针对性地提出具有明显改善的激励措施用以权衡措施与企业现实之间的困境。     

基于需求特点的知识型员工激励问题探讨

知识经济时代,知识型员工工作积极性的发挥成为企业生存与发展的关键,对于知识型员工的激励也成了企业必须面对的问题。我国知识型员工激励中存在不足之处,应从管理理念、薪酬体系、工作设计、职业发展等几个方面解决我国知识型员工激励问题。     

我国民办高校人力资源管理激励机制分析

针对目前我国民办高校在人力资源激励机制中薪酬水平偏低,薪酬与绩效结合力度不强,激励方式单一,缺少一个完善的绩效反馈和运用机制的现实问题,从民办高校的人力资源激励管理现状入手,提出了相关对策:一是提高民办教师薪酬水平;二是优化民办高校薪酬结构;三是激励方式应多元化;四是建立有效合理的绩效反馈和运用机制。     

基于EVA的企业高管薪酬激励机制优化设计

通过对我国企业高管薪酬激励机制的现状和存在问题进行简要分析,阐述经济增加值（EVA）的内涵和在管理激励中的运用价值,而构建了基于EVA红利的股票期权激励和虚拟股票期权激励的优化理论模型。     

建筑企业关键人才的薪酬激励的思考

建筑企业为了留住关键人才，激发人才的工作热情，必须建立科学合理的薪酬激励制度。建筑企业合理的薪酬制度必须突出公平公正，强调民主管理，坚持公开和透明，体现个性化，坚持长期与短期结合，引入报酬风险机制。建筑企业，具有管理繁杂、涉及岗位多的特点，单一的薪酬制度已不能适应企业发展的要求，不能充分发挥薪酬激励机制的作用。因此，为了满足不同岗位的需要，薪酬结构的设计应采用不同的结构薪酬体系，由不同的工资结构去调动各类岗位关键人才的积极性。     

迎接出版业的伟大变革

出版业正在迎来一场伟大的变革,这场变革是由出版科学技术的迅猛发展所推动,由国际出版业市场的激烈竞争所催化,传统的出版概念从内容到形式都发生了巨大的变化。特别是在出版手段上变化尤为深刻。敏锐把握这场变革的发展动态,才能够正确面对出版产业、出版机构和出版人员遇到新的挑战,抓住机遇,获得发展。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Strange Career of British Democracy: John Milton to Gordon Brown

Political debate in modern Britain has been structured by four narratives or traditions, called here ‘Whig imperialist’, ‘Tory nationalist’, ‘democratic collectivist’ and ‘democratic republican’. The Whig imperialist tradition goes back to Edmund Burke; it is a tradition of responsive evolution, flexible statecraft, genial optimism and abhorrence of dogmatic absolutes. It prevailed for most of the nineteenth century, for most of the interwar period and for most of the 1950s and early‐1960s. Its Tory nationalist counterpart is tense, rebarbative and often shrill. At its core lies a primal fear of the dissolution of authority and a collapse of the social order. Its most notable exponents include Lord Salisbury, Enoch Powell and Margaret Thatcher. The democratic collectivist tradition stresses ineluctable progress towards a just and rational society, to be achieved by a strong, essentially technocratic central state, with the power and will to replace the wasteful, unjust chaos of the market place by planned co‐ordination. Formative influences on it were the great Fabian socialists, George Bernard Shaw and Sidney and Beatrice Webb; it achieved its apotheosis under the Attlee Government of 1945‐51. The democratic republican tradition is much more inchoate: its exponents have been the awkward squad of British democracy. The most glittering stars in the democratic republican firmament were probably John Milton, John Stuart Mill and R.H. Tawney. It stresses active self‐government and republican self respect, embodied in a vigorous civil society and strong local authorities. During the ninety‐odd years since Britain belatedly acquired a more‐or‐less democratic suffrage, the first three traditions have all been tested, almost to destruction. But though the fourth has had great influence on social movements of all kinds, governments at the centre have done little more than toy with it, usually for brief periods. The great question now is whether Britain is about to experience a democratic republican moment.     

Trustworthiness: the Commentators

Mark Thompson deplores the decline in the public trust of government and of public service institutions such as the BBC. But there has also been a decline in another form of trust: government's trust in the ability of professionals such as doctors and teachers to deliver high quality public services. And, unlike Thompson's type of trust, this decline was inevitable, because it was based on untenable assumptions concerning professional motivation. The author discusses the importance of trust in an unwritten constitution, including trust in the use made of public resources, trust that appointments are being made on merit, trust that the civil service is ‘speaking truth unto power’ behind the scenes and ultimately trust that it retains the ability to serve future governments. In a world where trust in institutions is diminishing, there are still surprising levels of trust in the world of private philanthropy. The public are only too ready to give donations without seeking to question, especially in the wake of major disasters. Yet the nature of aid agencies has changed dramatically in the past thirty years into major global enterprises with sophisticated media and marketing operations. In this case a greater degree of scepticism from those who donate and paradoxically less trust might actually result in better outcomes from aid and better use of funding. Trust is critical to the mission of the FCO. The public needs to trust the competence and sound judgment of the professional diplomats. The diplomats themselves need to be able to rely on the commonsense of their fellow colleagues. Ministers and diplomats need to trust each other. And other governments need to have confidence in the discretion of their British counterparts. This is an increasing challenge in the world of instant news. Trust can be quickly lost by indiscreet or self‐serving revelations. But the key is to be as open and transparent as possible about the processes of diplomacy. A new survey commissioned by the British Journalism Review demonstrates that public confidence in journalism has collapsed over the last five years. This is particularly true for the commercial broadcasters ITV and Channel 4, whose journalism has traditionally commanded as much public esteem as the BBC. Trust in the BBC and print journalists has also declined, and journalism suffered more than any of the other 16 occupational groups being assessed. This is partly due to the cumulative effect of various “fakery” scandals that have afflicted broadcasters over the last 18 months and partly down to a more widespread cynicism directed at those in authority.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

'Shovelling out your paupers': The British State and Irish Famine Migration 1846-50

Gray considers the determinants of British policy towards emigration (and particularly towards state-assisted 'colonization') from Ireland during the Great Famine of 184-50. He surveys the idea of 'colonization' as advocated by Charles Buller in 1843, and its varying appeal (changing over time) in Ireland, Britain and the settlement colonies of the British empire. He also considers the issue in the light of pro- and anti-Malthusian interpretations of Irish population pressure, and the emergence of the alternative idea of 'internal colonization'. Gray argues that the failure of the state to adopt an emigration policy in 1846-50 as part of its response to the Famine was the consequence of a combination of anti-Irish prejudice in Britain and the colonies (which was sharpened by the arrival of large numbers of economic refugees in 1847 and the political conspiracies of 1848), and the prevalence of an economic doctrine that prioritized the need for Irish self-help and moral transformation over state assistance. He traces the debate over colonization within the Whig government headed by Lord John Russell, and concludes that some form of assisted emigration was a feasible policy measure, and that its rejection had adverse consequences in terms of additional famine mortality.     

Beyond the ‘Auschwitz syndrome’: Holocaust historiography after the Cold War

ABSTRACT

The end of the Cold war has seen an explosion in Holocaust history, and some significant changes in the main historiographical explanations. The ‘return of ideology’ that began displacing the ‘functionalist’ or ‘structuralist’ dominance of the 1980s remains strong. But it is being supplemented by very detailed regional and local studies, by analyses of different experiences of ghettoization in different places, and by a focus on the widespread plunder and corruption that accompanied the killing process. This enormous attention to detail reveals that the Holocaust unfolded differently in different places; but it also demonstrates the existence of an overall framework in which all the operations took place, what we might call an ‘antisemitic consensus’. Simultaneously, historians have broadened the discussion of the Holocaust, situating it into a transnational or world-historical context of imperialism and colonialism. Stone outlines in broad brush some of these themes, and asks what effects they have had and will continue to have on Europeans' self-understanding in an age in which the post-war anti-fascist consensus has been dismantled while Holocaust-consciousness is officially enshrined into European identity.     

On Public Action

Abstract

This essay explores Hannah Arendt’s contribution to our understanding of the rhetorical as opposed to the aesthetic quality of public speech, with an emphasis upon her conception of opinion and glory. Arendt’s focus on the revelatory quality of public action in speech is widely understood to preclude or seriously limit its communicative aspect. I argue that this is a misunderstanding, and that accepting it would reduce speech not merely to the discussion of a sharply limited set of topics, but to no topics at all. Public action is speech that reveals the speaker as “answering, talking back and measuring up to whatever happened or was done.” Such revelatory speech is most appropriately judged by the standard of the glorious and the inglorious. Because such speech must inform as well as reveals, so does glorious or great speech rise to the level of greatness in part because of what is said, to whom, where, and how. Arendt’s understanding of this is shown to have significant parallels to the ordinary language philosophy of Stanley Cavell.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。