Women's ministerial careers in cabinet, 1921–2010: A look at socio‐demographic traits and career experiences

This article probes two aspects of women's ministerial careers in federal, provincial, and territorial cabinets from 1921 to December 2010. First, we examine whether the socio‐demographic profile of women ministers differ from female legislators of the governing party. Logistic regression analysis shows that women holding cabinet portfolios differ from female legislators with no ministerial responsibilities with respect to education, parliamentary experience, and age when first elected. Women legislators elected in Quebec, and more so at the federal level, were less likely to become ministers than women legislators nominated in other provinces. Second, we consider what portfolios women had over time, and how many different portfolios they were assigned to. The results are sobering: women ministers are still largely concentrated in socio‐cultural and socio‐economic portfolios, and most only occupy one or two of these portfolios. We conclude by identifying avenues for further research.     

Changing the design: cabinet decision-making in three provincial governments

Abstract: The subject of this investigation is cabinet decision-making in the provincial governments of Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and British Columbia. Specifically, it attempts to examine the forces that underlie the initiation and persistence of cabinet institutionalization in the postwar period. The postwar period has witnessed the replacement of the unaided (or traditional) cabinet by the institutionalized (or structured) cabinet. In other words, unstructured and relatively uncoordinated central executives have given way to those which are more structured, more collegial, and more prone to emphasize planning and coordination. The factors promoting initial cabinet institutionalization in the three provinces were a mixture of ideology, pragmatism, and historical precedent unique to each province. There were both endogenous factors (those growing from within government) and exogenous factors (those acting from without) which affected the persistence of institutionalized cabinets. They were common to more than one province but their relative weight differed between premiers. Not surprisingly, the institutionalization of provincial cabinets has had major effects on political actors and functions in the three provinces studied. Cabinet structure has both changed and been changed by power relations within cabinet. Full cabinet appears to have been overshadowed as a decision-making center. It is apparent that central agencies and central departments do not always yield similar political effects. Lastly, planning and budgeting have grown in both complexity and complementarily. Sommaire: Cette enquête traite du le processus décisionnel au sein du Conceal des ministers dans les governments provinciaux de la Saskatchewan, du Manitoba et de la Colombie-Britannique. Plus précisément, elle cherche B examiner les forces qui ont favorisé l'apparition puis le maintien de l'institutionnalisation des Conseils des ministres au cours de l'après-guerre.     

行政瑕疵对环境犯罪的影响

作为环境犯罪前置性规范的行政可能存在瑕疵。行政瑕疵包括行政规范违法、行政处分违法以及行政规范欠缺三种情况。行政规范瑕疵分为行政法规违宪与行政命令违法。行政处分瑕疵可能导致行政处分无效以及行政处分可撤销两大类。行政存在瑕疵时,刑事法院是否有审查权、环境犯罪如何处理,外国的一些做法值得我们借鉴。我国在处理类似问题时应当区别具体行政行为与抽象行政行为。法院对规章及其以下的抽象行政行为以及具有重大明显违法情形的具体行政行为的适法性应当具有审查权。行政规范欠缺时环境犯罪的处理可以在立法技术上通过反面规定的形式加以解决。     

Region‐building: Western Canadian joint cabinet meetings in the 2000s

Abstract: Joint cabinet meetings are increasingly used for inter‐governmental dialogue, at both international and sub‐state levels. Provincial governments in western Canada, in particular, have employed the joint cabinet meeting format, and, between 2003 and 2009, nine such joint cabinet meetings were held. The resulting inter‐provincial collaboration at these meetings produced over thirty inter‐provincial agreements. Using the details of these particular joint cabinet meetings as a case study, this article considers three questions: First, why do governments hold joint cabinet meetings? Second, are joint cabinet meetings effective mechanisms for inter‐governmental policy‐making? And, third, particular to the Canadian context, what are the implications of joint cabinet meetings for federalism and democracy? The author argues that joint cabinet meetings are designed to build relationships and trust between governments and to allow a “whole‐of‐government” approach for inter‐governmental policy‐making. The joint cabinet meeting model appears to facilitate expedient inter‐governmental policy‐making, but the effectiveness of the resulting policies depends on the political will of the participating governments. Furthermore, in the Canadian context, joint cabinet meetings have the potential of reinforcing regionalism and the undemocratic tendencies associated with executive federalism.     

Inner cabinets and outer ministers: some lessons from Australia and Britain

Abstract. The growth in the number of ministers has led to problems in the organization of cabinet. In Britain, and in Australia under Liberal-Country Party government, a system of inner cabinets and outer ministers has been adopted. In Australia all ministers have their own departments - as dictated by the Constitution;those who are not full members of cabinet are able to attend cabinet and participate, not only when items of their own or related portfolios are discussed, but also on a range of other issues in which they have a personal interest. In Britain all departments are headed by a cabinet minister. Each cabinet member is assisted by a range of junior ministers whose access to cabinet is limited and whose broad knowledge of government activity is therefore severely limited. In making cabinet there is thus a choice between a small cabinet, representing only parts of government interests but with flexible access, and a large representative cabinet with limited access for junior ministers. Sommaire. .?augmentation du nombre des ministres présente des difficultés pour ?organisation du cabinet. La Grande-Bretagne et ?Australie, sous un gouvernement libéral-rural, ont adopté un système de cabinets restreints et de ministres ← externes →. En Australie, tous les ministres ont, de la par la Constitution, leur propre ministère; ceux qui ne sont pas membres à part entiére du cabinet peuvent assister à ses déliberations et y participer, et cela aussi bien lorsque les débats portent sur des questions relevant de leur portefeuille que lorsqu'elles présentent pour eux un intérêt particulier. En Grande-Bretagne, tous les ministères sont dirigés par un ministre du cabinet. Chaque ministre du cabinet est aidé par un groupe de ministres de deuxième rang dont ?accès au cabinet est limité et dont, par conséquent, la connaissance générate des activités gouvernementales est aussi sévèrement réduite. Pour composer le cabinet, il y a done un choix entre un cabinet restreint ne représentant que partiellement les intérêts du gouvernement mais dont ?accès est ajustable et un large cabinet représentatif avec accés limité pour les ministres de deuxième rang.     

哲学功能与人生价值

哲学的内容与特性规定了它具有不可替代的独特作用。因此,把它转化为大学生人文素质的根本内容,即让哲学变成与个体生活紧密相连的现实生命力,让哲学融入他们的生活方式,以填补他们缺失的精神动力和生活准则,有着非同寻常的意义。     

Networked learning in complex policy spaces: A practitioner's reflection on the open method of coordination

Open method of coordination (OMC) mechanisms have not gained much acceptance in Canada in spite of evidence that they could improve policy making and implementation. In Canada, “learning,” in particular at the political level, occurs somewhat differently from how it was envisaged in the intellectual underpinnings of the OMC because of the ethos of intergovernmental relations. The provinces, territories and the federal government might, however, improve policy learning by approaching the process in a somewhat different fashion while still benefiting from the European experience. The market for learning may exist less at the level of governments and more at a localized practitioner level. Canada may benefit from taking an indirect approach to the issue and creating institutional arrangements that will allow civil society groups to engage in mutual learning more easily.     

以素质教育引导国保专业改革

在公安高专国保专业素质教育中 ,我们应充分认识到高等教育的基本要求和普通大专生的身心发展规律 ,把国家对大专生的总体素质要求与公安工作的具体素质要求有机地结合起来。既不能与在职民警的短期培训相雷同 ,也不能全盘按照普通高校的那一套培养公安高专学校的学生 ,而应选择一条比较独特的路子 ,实现学历教育与培训教育的有机结合。为此 ,一方面要创造必要的条件 ,另一方面要用全新的思维选择切实可行的教育手段。     

相邻关系制度研究--一种类型化的尝试

类型化是介于抽象概念与具体规范之间的一种中间的思考形式,其作用在于揭示某一法律制度之内在的意义关联,这对正确理解、适用及发现法律规范具有重大意义.民法相邻关系具有种类繁多、内容复杂、更新较快等特点,以往"零售式"的研究方法无法发现作为一个整体的相邻关系制度之内在的意义脉络,为此,需要借助类型化的思考.民法相邻关系大致分为三种类型,每一种类型体现出一个不同的主导原则,其法律制度构成亦不相同.     

Restructurer peu,restructurer mieux : leçons d'expériences ministérielles récentes au Canada

Abstract: In this article, we take a look at restructuring initiatives involving functional departments. First, we review the documented reasons leading to the decision to restructure. Next, we compare recent restructuring activities in three Canadian provinces and at the federal government level. The examples used provide us with information on the reasons for engaging in the restructuring process, and its implications. The cases reported (all territories combined) reveal that some areas seem more problematic than others (for example, economic development, environment) – that is, they are the focus of more frequent restructuring, and the subsequent outcome is not always satisfactory. The reasons for explaining the restructurings point to the complexity of the file and government priorities. Furthermore, the consequences of the restructuring process fall into three main areas: implications at the administrative and budgetary levels (costs related to moving, printing, etc.), implications revolving around the department's direction (mission and vision), and implications on personnel (loss of employment, impact on employees' morale, etc.). On a practical level, the premiers must particularly avoid the restructuring of departments during Cabinet shuffles.     

“不得”的逻辑——“规范性下降”命题的规范分析

法律用语中的规范词“不得”有其自身的逻辑。从“不得”出发,探究禁止性法律规范的内在结构,可以展现法律秩序的运作逻辑,揭示出隐藏在人类法律秩序变迁中规范性下降的历史规律。如果把秩序的实效与秩序的效力之间对比视为一个系数,那么这个系数在历史进程中是呈下降曲线的。早期法律制度的主要规范是禁止性规范,因此,与古代社会的理想追求相伴的是残酷的刑罚;而现代社会中,禁止性规范退居次席,权利和义务成为核心的规范纽带,与古代将违规者清除的制裁相比,现代法律秩序的规范性大大降低。这是历史进步的代价,也是历史发展的必然。     

Liberal “chefs de cabinets ministeriels” in Quebec: keeping politics in policy-making

Abstract: During the Parti Québécois tenure of office, relations between chiefs of staff and senior officials were frequently characterized by conflict. By contrast, current Liberal chiefs of staff have managed to establish harmonious relations with senior officials. These different relations are explained by comparing the social origins, career paths and ideological inclinations of Péquiste chiefs of staff with those of their Liberal successors. The social origins of the two groups are of little significance in explaining their different relations with senior officials. However, the para-public service experiences of Péquiste chiefs of staff and their interventionist-oriented ideological inclinations largely account for the tension and conflict which tended to characterize their relations with senior officials. The public service experiences and non-interventionist predispositions of Liberal chiefs of staff have largely been responsible for their co-operative relations with senior officials. In the final analysis, the professional experiences and ideological inclinations of Liberal chiefs of staff have enabled them to acquire a clear understanding of the functions of their office. Moreover, these experiences and inclinations have shaped their determination to separate the political from the technical aspects of policy-making in order to maintain harmonious relations and to enhance their ministers' control over the politics of policy-making. Sommaire: Pendant le mandat du Parti québécois, les directeurs de cabinet et les hauts fonctionnaires ont souvent entretenus des relations conflictuelles. En revanche, sous le gouvernenient libéral actuel, les directeurs de cabinet ont réussi à nouer des rapports harmonieux avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Cette différence s'explique en comparant l'origine sociale, la carrière et l'orientation idéologique des directeurs de cabinet péquistes à ceux de leurs successeurs libéraux. Les origines sociales des deux groupes ne constituent pas un facteur d'explication important. En revanche, les activités parapubliques des directeurs de cabinet péquistes et leur tendance à préconiser une politique d'intervention ont joué un rôle-clé dans les relations tendues et conflictuelles qu'ils avaient avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Les directeurs de cabinet libéraux, au contraire, ayant travaillé dans le secteur public et favorisant une politique non interventionniste, ont des relations marquées par la collaboration avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Finalement, l'auteur de l'article explique que les expériences professionnelles et les orientations idéologiques des directeurs de cabinet libéraux ont permis à ces derniers de bien comprendre leurs fonctions. De plus, ces expériences et ces orientations les ont poussés à séparer les aspets politiques des aspects techniques lorsqu'il s'agit de prendre des décisions de façon à maintenir de bonnes relations et à accroître le contrôle qu'exercent leurs ministres sur les aspets politiques de la prise de décisions.     

论法律规范的内在不平衡结构

占统治地位的法律规范结构理论因为背离了结构分析所要求的存在论论域而难以站得住脚。通过对构成规范的要素及其逻辑关系的“共时性”考察可以看出,法律规范乃是由作为规范性存在的两种规则形态即调整性规则与管理性规则构成的偏正结构：前者表达了规范的目的,而后者则是规范目的实现的手段。目的与手段的分离所造成的必然后果是工具理性的法律现实主义,由此法律的规范性下降不可避免,此即法律自身的悖论所在。     

民间规范研究的社会心理学进路

虽然学界对民间规范的研究已不限于法学领域,但研究方法仍相对局限。由于主体的社会行为同其社会心理有着内在关联,民间规范在许多情况下都已经与个体的社会心理融为一体,成为个体社会心理机制中的一个重要因素,因此运用社会心理学的理论与进路研究民间规范较为可取也非常有益。通过研究民间规范的社会心理机制能更好地了解我们社会中存在的切实有效的规范形式和内容,并且有助于推动我国法律心理学的深入研究。     

中西立法机构的比较及启示

西方议会缺乏广泛的代表性,存在＂结构性不足＂和内在的不协调性,往往造成议会的虚假民主和低效率。中国的人民代表大会具有广泛的代表性和包容性,但由于大多数人大常委都是兼职的,制约了他们参政议政、行使决策权的水平和能力。在西方＂总统制中的总统不向立法机关负责＂,内阁制则造成执政党垄断组阁权的现象,立法机关的运作往往脱离广大选民。中国的人民代表大会行使选举、质询和罢免官员权力的情况,距离宪法的规定和人民的期待还具有一定的差距。西方议会所属各专门委员会,在议会运作中起着举足轻重的作用。与之相比,人民代表大会的决策功能仍有必要进一步加强,相关的具体制度也有必要进一步改革和完善。西方议会通过权力的相互制约,发挥监督功能。人民代表大会的监督功能却尚未得到应有的重视。因此,要从制度安排和建设上保证其监督功能的发挥。     

Minister's Caucus Advisory Committees under the Harper government

In 2010 Prime Minister Stephen Harper quietly created a system of Minister's Caucus Advisory Committees (MCACs), requiring ministers to consult with their backbench colleagues before taking policy proposals to cabinet. Based on interviews with Conservative MPs, ministers, political staffers and public servants, the paper argues that MCACs increase MPs' influence over government policy and enhance cohesion within the government's parliamentary caucus. By constraining ministers' policy freedom and providing the prime minister with regular political intelligence concerning policy proposals, MCACs reinforce his pre‐eminence within cabinet and represent a significant innovation in the relationship between the executive and government caucus.     

Les gestionnaires de l'ombre: les directeurs1 de cabinets ministériels québécois

Sommaire: La proximité du ministre pour les directeurs de cabinet ministériel, leur accès à des informations stratégiques et sensibles et leur possibilité d'influencer le ministre ainsi que les hauts fonctionnaires sur des décisions de nature politique ou administrative, sont parmi les facteurs qui expliquent l'importance des rôles qu'ils peuvent jouer dans la gestion des ministères et organismes gouvernementaux. Pourtant, on trouve relativement peu d'écrits sur le sujet et les études sur le personnel politique datent de plusieurs années. À partir d'une enquête et d'entrevues réalisées avec des directeurs de cabinet du gouvernement du Québec ainsi qu'avec des sousministres, cette étude trace un portrait des principales caractéristiques des directeurs de cabinet ministériel. Elle examine la façon dont ils assument leurs fonctions et la nature des relations qu'ils entretiennent avec le ministre, le personnel du cabinet qu'ils dirigent et l'administration. Abstract: Proximity to the minister, access to strategic and sensitive information, and the ability to influence the minister and senior public servants in decision‐making are among the factors that explain the importance of the role of chief of staff to the minister in the management of ministries and government organizations. The literature on the subject, however, is relatively limited, and available studies on political staff are several years old. Based on a survey and interviews with chiefs of staff and deputy ministers in the Quebec government, this study describes the main characteristics of chiefs of staff. It examines the way they carry out their functions and the nature of the relationships they have with the minister and the staff that they manage.     

Restructuring the Ontario Government

Abstract. A new style of averment reappraisal is described in this two-part paper. The first part deals with the way in which the Ontario Government structured this reapraisal using a combination of government and non-government people to establish an effective change agent. The second part details the key elements of the new structure at both the cabinet and ministry levels, including the new Policy and Priorities Board of Cabinet, the three policy field committees of cabinet, a new kind of minister with no administrative responsibilities, their respective support staffs, and the role of the treasurer. The paper then outlines the progress made to date to implement the recommendations and some observations for those who might be contemplating a similar study of government management. Interim reports, regular meetings with cabinet, a leadership convention, and a provincial election all aided in achieving what Premier William G. Davis has referred to as ‘the most comprehensive restructuring of Government in this country.’ Sommaire. Dans cette communication en deux parties, l'auteur décrit un nouveau mode de réévaluation gouvernementale. Dans la première partie, il explique comment son government a structurté cette réévaluation en se servant d'une combination de personnel governmental et de gens de l'extérieur pour créer un agent de hangmen efficace. Dans la deuxième partie, il expose en détail les éléments clés de la nouvelle structure au niveau du cabinet et des ministères, y compris le nouveau conseil de cabinet sur les politiques et les priorités, les trois comités des secteurs de politiques, un nouveau genre de ministre sans responsabilités administratives, leur personnel respectd et le rôle du trésorier. Il rapporte ensuite les progrès réalisés jursqu'ici dans Papplication des recommandations et fait quelques observations à I'intention de ceux qui envisageraient une étude semblable de leur gestion gouvernementale. Des rapports intérimaires, des réunions régulières du cabinet, un congrès de chefferie et une élection provinciale, tout cela a contribuéà ce que le premier ministre William G. Davis a appelé“la restructuration gouvernementale la plus complète jamais effectuée dans ce pays”.     

论宪法对企业经济发展的保护

我国宪法为企业经济的发展提供相应的规范依据，这些依据包括相应的方针政策、企业和公民享有相关的权利和自由，国家立法权力界限和必须遵循的法治原则。这些规定无疑是企业发展的有利夺件。但是，宪法上的这些规定，还没有得到认真贯彻执行，因此，要使宪法上有利于企业经济发展的政策、权利自由、权力界限和法治原则落到实处，必须建立健全可行的违宪违法审查制度。