National Party Efforts to Recruit State Legislators to Run for the U.S. House

We explore factors that influence the chances that a state legislator will be the target of national party recruitment to run for the U.S. House. Using data from a sample of legislators in 200 U.S. House districts, we find that national party contact reflects strategic considerations of party interests. State legislators serving in professional institutions and in competitive districts are most likely to be contacted by national party leaders. In addition, the analysis suggests that national party leaders may be sensitive to the potential costs to the state legislative party: legislators in institutions that are closely balanced between the parties are slightly less likely to be contacted.     

刍议第三方政策评估对我国的启示

在21世纪的今天,我们应按照构建和谐社会的要求,加大政策评估的力度,要从传统的“统治行政”和近代的“管理行政”评估,发展到当代的“服务行政”评估,要体现行政管理向公共性的回归,使公共性和公共精神成为公共行政的本质特征和核心价值取向。使每项政策的合理性、有效性、回应性等价值取向都有一个合理的评判。这就急需政策外的第三方进行的外部评估。     

中国港口口岸手续对于装卸时间起算的影响

本文对中国法院判决、仲裁裁决进行理论分析,对中国相关法律规定进行探讨,认为在当事人间没有约定必须通过口岸手续才能递交NOR的情况下,口岸手续不应当对装卸时间的起算产生影响。     

Strengthening Labor Discipline as a Means of Implementing the Economic and Social Policy of the Party

The current period has seen a sharp increase in the importance of research on questions pertaining to the strengthening of labor discipline, the sociopolitical and worktime activity of Soviet people, and their social responsibility to society. This is related above all to the primary direction of development of the economy — improving the efficiency of social production — to the broad range of rights and freedoms, and to consistently assuring a marked rise in the level of the people's material and cultural life. "It is necessary," L. I. Brezhnev has stated, "that every Soviet person be clearly aware that, in the final analysis, the principal guarantee of his rights is the might and the welfare of his country. And toward this end, every citizen has to feel his responsibility to society and conscientiously perform his duty to society and the people." (1)     

依法执政与司法审查关系的法理解读

从某种角度来看,构建和谐社会就是要对国家中的主要权力以一种制度化的方式进行引导和规范,以形成一种国家权力秩序。就我国而言,中国共产党的执政权是历史选择,人民赋予的。如何规范化、制度化、法治化的执政是当前党和国家非常关注的问题,也是理论上需要予以解答的课题。这需要从依法执政的历史发展逻辑,执政及依法执政的含义和对党执政所依据的法的范畴从法治的角度进行分析,探讨依法执政与司法审查之间的关系,辨析其法理依据,就目前而言将执政行为进行分解是解决依法执政与司法监督关系的一条现实路径。     

The Netherlands in the UNFCCC Process –Leadership between Ambition and Reality

The Netherlands is generally considered as a front running nation in international environmental politics. This article looks at the influence of The Netherlands in international climate change regime formation by analyzing the structural, entrepreneurial, intellectual and environmental leadership qualities exerted by. The Netherlands during the FCCC policy process. In addition, the EU as an enabling and constraining institution for the ambitions of Netherlands in climate change policies is analyzed.     

Returning to the Past: The South Australian Colonisation Commission,the Colonial Office and Aboriginal Title

In the closing decades of the twentieth century many scholars sought to both address and redress the ways in which indigenous people's rights in land had been treated historically by colonisers in Anglophone settler societies. More recently, this work has been criticised by a new generation of legal historians who have sought to delineate more carefully the role that the law actually played in the treatment of aboriginal title in the past. In keeping with the latter approach, this article seeks to recover the manner in which the indigenous people's interests in land were treated in the British colony of South Australia at the time it was founded in the early-to-mid nineteenth century. It emphasises the manner in which the colonisers, the South Australian Colonisation Commission, rather than the British Colonial Office, deployed a range of legal arguments, especially in the context of political negotiations between these two parties. It concludes that the imperial government's treatment of indigenous interests in land was primarily determined by its perception of the relationships of power on the ground between the colonial state, the settlers and the Aboriginal people rather than by its application of any particular legal principle or norm.     

谦抑与能动:民事审判权运行之相对限度

民事审判权具备谦抑性与能动性两种属性。程序启动阶段审判权之谦抑性要求法院应尊重当事人对诉权、诉讼标的及程序的选择权,而能动性则要求法院对诉权行使作必要审查,对诉权滥用作必要规制,对诉讼要件作必要限定。诉讼推进阶段审判权之谦抑性要求法院应遵循权责统一、司法中立和程序理性原则,而能动性则要求法院要审查当事人的适格性,要衡平双方力量差异,要控制诉讼时空的推移,要强化公共利益的维护。案件裁判阶段审判权之谦抑性要求法院裁判不得干预立法权,不得超出诉请范围,不得违反既判力原则,不得主动启动执行程序,而能动性则要求法院能动运用办案技巧以做到案结事了,能动解决个案纠纷以引导政策制定,能动解释法律以弥补技术漏洞。     

Policy, Politics, and the Criminal Courts

This case study of criminal process in a middle-sized western city in the United States employs quantitative data, interviews, and library research to explore the politics of criminal process and its impact on the operative policies of the criminal courts from I964 through 1980. The research reveals significant policy change but a very elusive relationship between politics and policy. Judges and prosecutors preserve a significant measure of autonomy for dealing with the bulk of their caseload by giving up much of their independence in those cases that are inescapably politicized. Both judges and prosecutors use this partial political insulation to advance their own versions of criminological wisdom. On the other hand, they are constrained by the prevailing ethos and by institutional limitations to operate well within conventional definitions of crime and criminality—even when those conventional views run counter to their own practical experience.     

Legal Design for Practice,Activism, Policy,and Research

This article offers an original integrated introduction to how to think about what design can do for law; where to find examples of legal design; and how to assess it. It identifies clear points of contact between lawyerly concerns and designerly skills, knowledge, and attitudes. It proposes that designerly ways can directly improve lawyerly communication; and that they can also generate new structured‐yet‐free spaces in which lawyers can be at once practical, critical, and imaginative. The article foregrounds the, hitherto unrecognized, diversity of existing legal design practice by drawing examples from across four fields of lawyering: legal practice, legal activism, policy making, and legal research. Emphasis is placed throughout on the need for a critical approach to legal design – that is, for legal design to be thought about and done with a commitment to avoiding, exposing, and remedying biases and inequalities.     

政府系统副职职能转型、规模控制与组织法治

改革政府系统副职现状,是政府机构改革的有机部分,是政府组织、法治化、科学化的基本要求。加快政府组织法治化进程,完善政府组织法的框架和内容,在政府职能转变的基础上继续推进"大部制"改革,提升部门地位和权能,实现政府系统副职职能转型和规模控制,对于推进法治政府建设和实现政府组织体系科学化,具有重大的现实意义。     

从"温柔敦厚"到"发愤"、"绮靡"——对朱自清先生"诗言志"说的再思考

中国古典诗论的两大倾向--重政治教化与重自由抒情,其主要区别在审美趣味,诗教强调作品情性与风味的温柔敦厚,推崇中和之美.因之,屈原的"发愤抒情"、陆机的"缘情绮靡",一于内而论情感,一于外而论文辞,然实表里相依、气声相应,各以其"发愤"、"绮靡"突破诗教的美学要求,呈现新意.若拈以"言志"、"缘情"区分此两类诗论倾向,不免易滋误解,遮蔽了二者区别的核心所在.     

Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the Glare of Camera Lights

The introduction of legislative television as a transparency initiative has been welcomed in an increasing number of democracies. The impact of television cameras on parliamentary behavior, however, has received scant attention in systems where personal vote-earning attributes are thought to be of little importance (e.g., closed-list proportional representation). Additionally, studies examining this relationship relied exclusively on over-time variation in legislative behavior (i.e., before and after the introduction of television into parliament), which arguably has important deficiencies in demonstrating the true effect of legislative television. Capitalizing on a unique quasi-experimental setting, the present study aims to close these gaps in the literature by analyzing parliamentary activities in Turkey, where the legislative television was restricted to 3 days per week (Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday) in 2011 after almost two decades of continuous 7-day operation. Results based on original data sets of parliamentary activities from the pre- and postreform periods (2009–11 and 2011–13) indicate that the varying presence of television cameras exacerbated the effect of electoral and reputation-building motivations on parliamentary behavior, encouraging electorally unsafe and junior MPs to shift their constituency focus to the televised proceedings. The results offer important implications for the study of legislative transparency and constituency representation in party-list proportional representation systems.     

注册会计师对第三人的执业赔偿责任之构成要件及抗辩事由

分析注册会计师对第三人执业赔偿责任的侵权责任性质和构成要件 ,即违法执业开具不实报告、损害事实、因果关系和主观过错 ,特别对因果关系和过错中的过失等司法实践中的难点问题进行了探讨。认为按照独立审计准则规定的程序出具报告是会计师事务所在诉讼中必要的但不是充分的抗辩事由 ,而未与委托人构成共同侵权则能够成为事务所减轻责任的抗辩。