世界眼光：广东的过去和未来

研究广东，必须将其置于全球化的大背景下进行。基于这一认识，我们审视广东改革开放30年实践需要有世界眼光，推动广东新一轮解放思想、争当实践科学发展观的“排头兵”、实现跨越式的发展，也需要有世界眼光。     

NGOs in Hong Kong: The present and the future

This study analyzes NGOs’ influence in Hong Kong's political, social, and economic life. It addresses three questions. Firstly, what are their major roles and how effectively can they play them in society? Secondly, how active are these organizations? Finally, how confident are the NGO leaders about their organizations’ future? Based on a telephone survey conducted in August 1996, it finds that NGOs in Hong Kong are characterized not only by common functions but also some unique ones created by the territory's special status. In general, Hong Kong's NGOs are fairly active, which has little to do with the specialization, financial resources, and geographical foci of the organizations. Despite Beijing's explicit guarantee of the freedom of NGO activities, this study reveals that a clear majority of the NGO leaders expressed doubts about their organizations’ future.     

"三个代表"与解放思想

学习十六大报告总的精神,大家要牢牢抓住一个主题,这个主题就是:高举邓小平理论伟大旗帜,全面贯彻"三个代表"重要思想,继往开来,与时俱进,全面建设小康社会,加快推进社会主义现代化,为开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面而奋斗!抓住一个灵魂,灵魂就是"三个代表"的重要思想.我们用马克思主义、列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论,还有江泽民提出的"三个代表"重要思想作为我们党今后长期的指导思想.还要抓住一个精髓,精髓是什么,就是解放思想,实事求是,与时俱进.所以,今天我给同志们讲解放思想与"三个代表",就是要抓住一个主题、一个灵魂、一个精髓,然后全面建设小康社会,加快社会主义现代化建设,为开创中国特色社会主义新局面而奋斗.我想从这些方面来领会十六大精神.     

The maid of Chinese politics: Mao Zedong and his philosophy of struggle

The basic law of dialectics is the unity of opposites. It is natural for Marxists to stress opposites rather than unity, for it advances the doctrine of class struggle. Mao adopted Lenin's proposition that the unity of opposites is transitory, while the struggle of opposites is absolute. However, both Lenin and Mao failed to see the logical inconsistencies between this proposition and the law of the unity of opposites.

Stalin, who disagreed with the concept of “identity of contradiction,” asserted that the process of development is achieved through combat rather than harmony. Mao at first disagreed with this philosophy and advocated the unity of opposites. This accounted for the polemic of “the identity of thinking and being” in China, from 1959 to 1962.

However, in 1964, Mao launched a campaign to criticize “two combined into one “ and to propagate his own idea of “one divided into two.” The chief reason for this was that Mao needed an ideological legitimization for the schism with the USSR. This was a turning point in Mao's philosophy, for it implied the abandonment of the “unity of opposites” and a retreat towards Stalin's viewpoint. Ultimately Mao devised his “philosophy of struggle” to serve as the guiding philosophy for the Cultural Revolution.     

Revolution and Reform: the role of ideology and hegemony in Chinese politics

This paper aims to further an understanding of Chinese politics through a focus on ideology and hegemony. Drawing on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and Henri Lefebvre, the paper examines the nature of ideological domination held by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and generates three implications. First, Gramsci's theory of hegemony can be applied more broadly to build a socialist regime, particularly in China where the party of the proletariat and its allies have been in a quandary over how to consolidate its ruling position after capturing political power. Second, the party needs to incorporate mass consciousness into the battlefield of politics so as to attain or maintain its hegemony. Third, the ideologies of revolution and reform are formulated to embed the CCP's beliefs into people's consciousness and to acquire consensus which is essential for the CCP's hegemony in China.     

宪法与政治--韩国总统弹劾案的启示

韩国总统弹劾案生动地体现了宪法与政治之间的密切联系。宪法虽然以规范政治主体行为为首要任务,但从实践中考察,宪法产生于政治冲突,并且在政治冲突中得到检验、发展和完善。宪法确立的民主宪政体制是国家政治稳定的前提,社会成员特别是国家领导人法治观念是实现国家政治稳定的核心,而全体社会成员对民主、自由的追求则是政治向前发展的根本动力。     

现阶段我国社会利益矛盾的表现、成因及解决对策

现阶段我国的社会利益矛盾出现许多新情况、新特点。统筹协调社会利益矛盾是加强党的执政能力建设、巩固党的执政地位的必然要求。科学决策,抓好党风廉政建设,切实维护好人民群众的利益是解决利益矛盾的重点,在发展中解决利益矛盾和依法治国是治本之策。     

"中国模式"及其世界命运

源于"北京共识"的"中国模式"是对中国改革发展道路、现代化路径以及文明推进方式的概括.本文正是要在"中国模式"内涵理解基础上探讨中国的改革发展方式能否成为他国或地区改革发展的范本,探讨中国的现代化模式能否成为他国或地区现代化路径上值得仿效的范型,进而探讨作为"中国模式"根基的中华文明能否成为世界文明发展的模本.     

对我国企业实行年薪制若干问题的思考

由于存在信息不对称 ,为了激励经理人自动选择有利于委托人的行为 ,就必须在契约的设计中让经理人承担一部分风险 ,并从风险中获得相应报酬。在年薪制设计中 ,要注意控制实施范围 ,不能设定最高限额 ,要科学确定年薪计算的有关指标。     

Chinese bureaucratic politics and the origins of the great leap forward

This essay is a response to Alfred L. Chan's critique of my book, Bureaucracy, Economy, and Leadership in China This essay reaffirms the arguments of my book by examining the nature of politics in China in the mid 1950s through a variety of methods and some sources available after my book was published. It shows that bureaucratic politics was very common during the mid 1950s, that the Chinese political system was institutionalized, and that there were significant disagreements between top financial officials (Chen Yun and Li Xiannian) and top planners (Li Fuchun and Bo Yibo). It also argues in passing that Chen Yun was no ordinary planner; he was the most economically reform minded leader in the Soviet bloc in 1956–1957. In conclusion, I suggest some major questions for which conventional accounts cannot fully account.     

论中国特色社会主义民主政治发展道路、模式和路径选择

党的第十七次代表大会从六个方面全面展示了未来我们党推进社会主义民主的具体措施。聚焦这六个方面的内容,集中到一点就是更加明确了坚持中国特色社会主义的民主道路、在增量中发展社会主义民主的模式和积极稳妥推进政治体制改革的路径选择。     

关于当前警察职业培训教育的思考

本文提出强化警察职业培训教育质量,注重培训教育教学创新,旨在探索适合公安民警学习特点的教学方式和方法,在教学过程中赋予培训教学活动创新的特征。     

当代中国政治发展中的选举民主和协商民主

民主是人类社会普遍追求的价值目标,民主政治是人类社会共有的文明成果,人民民主是社会主义的本质所在。选举民主与协商民主共同构成社会主义民主政治的重要内容,不断加强和完善人民代表大会制度、多党合作与政治协商制度,使选举民主与协商民主有机结合,是构建社会主义和谐社会、推进我国民主政治建设的关键。     

90年来中国共产党对廉政建设的探索与启示

中国共产党成立90年来,一直高度重视对廉政建设的探索。在认识上,经历了从正确到错误、再回归正确的变化;在对腐败的原因分析上,从思想因素发展到体制因素;在廉政建设的路径上,由群众运动逐步过渡到法制建设。党在90年廉政建设的历程中积累了许多宝贵经验,也留下了深刻的教训,总结90年来党的廉政建设历史经验,吸取历史教训,有助于我们党在新时期健康开展廉政建设,从而进一步加强党的建设。     

对高校基层党组织建设的若干思考

正确认识和解决好当前高校基层党组织建设中存在的问题,对于坚持社会主义办学方向,培养社会主义事业建设者和接班人具有重要意义.本文结合座谈和问卷调查,进行了认真思考,指出了存在的问题及其原因,有针对性地提出了解决问题的对策.     

Leaders,coalition politics,and policy‐formulation in China: The great leap forward revisited

This article is a detailed critique of the thesis contained in David Bachman's book on the origins of the Great Leap Forward (GLF). By adopting the so‐called “neo‐institutional” approach, Bachman argues that Li Fuchun and Bo Yibo, leaders of a “Planning and Heavy Industry Coalition” “which had defeated a rival “Finance Coalition “ in 1957, were responsible for initiating and determining the development strategy of the GLF. It follows that Mao's role in the “leap” was very limited; the GLF was made possible when he gave official blessing to the programs of the victorious coalition. The author examines the historical and documentary sources on the GLF to demonstrate the contradictions contained in Bachman's theoretical framework, and the many faulty ways he interprets the data. He argues that Bachman's attempt to debunk the Mao‐dominant model in policy‐making during the GLF is a failure.     

重点·关键·条件——关于执政党理论创新的几点思考

执政党需要不断实现理论创新。潜心研究面对的重大现实问题是执政党理论创新的重点;以充分的论证来说服和教育干部群众是执政党理论创新的关键;造就良好的氛围和体制是促进执政党理论创新的重要条件。     

近十年来影响青年的国内外思潮述评

改革开放,特别是20世纪90年代以来,中国社会最大的潮流是现代化潮流。在这个潮流的冲击下,传统的文化受到挑战与筛选,在观念文化层面形成传统与现代的一系列冲突。这种冲突,深刻地影响了当代青年的思想性格,一些陈旧落后的观念逐渐为青年所摒弃,一些符合现代化社会要求的观念应运而生。同时,西方各种社会思潮随着国门的打开也纷纷传入中国,对青年的传统观念也产生了积极与消极的影响,一些新的思潮在20世纪90年代也开始在中国兴起。本文仅就20世纪90年代中期特别是近10年以来,对我国青年产生较大影响的几种国内外思潮作一简单述评。保守主义…