The neo‐authoritarian dilemma and the labor force: Control and bankruptcy vs freedom and instability

Neo‐authoritarian leaders confront one of their greatest dilemmas when attempting to decide what to do about China's non‐agricultural labor force. Should leaders continue to maintain short‐term order and stability by providing comparatively comfortable employment and benefits to a state‐sponsored workforce, even as two‐thirds of all state enterprises are experiencing financial difficulties and central government deficits are rising? Or should they permit the development of a free market for labor, even though the full implications of a free market — hundreds of millions of surplus rural laborers flooding the cities, tens of millions of surplus urban laborers laid off — are so destabilizing that they are difficult to contemplate? This article discusses the extent to which a neo‐authoritarian program to reform the labor market has succeeded in practice, and it assesses the destabilizing effects of the program. Specifically, it outlines the goals of neo‐authoritarians as they struggle to reform the labor market; the daunting problems that they confront in this struggle; and their limited successes to date. Despite some successful reforms, the article concludes that ‘the neo‐authoritarian dilemma’ with respect to the labor force — stability vs economic modernization — has not been solved.     

Toward a republic of Taiwan or republic of China: a hypothetical analysis

Two Taiwanese republics have been mentioned in this paper, namely, the Republic of Taiwan (ROT) and the Republic of Taiwan (ROT). The ROT briefly existed in 1895, and the ROT is yet to be created. Two Chinese republics have also been discussed, the Republic of China (ROC), which was created by Dr. Sun Yat‐sen in 1912, and the Republic of China (ROC) or Zhonghuagongheguo, which may be created by the Chinese Communists with the blessings of Deng Xiaoping. If Beijing, indeed, changes its national title from the People's Republic of China (PRC) to the ROC, Taipei's formal ties with other capitals may have to come to an abrupt end. Such a move will also shatter the hope of those Taiwan independists in creating a new country in Taiwan or frustrate those who are for the Taiwanization of the ROC. However, it will also mean the “end” of Communism in China, if one does not believe in Marxist Utopia.     

The political economy of Taiwan's mainland policy

The emerging patterns of the cross‐strait interaction present a perplexing duality, revealing both the trends toward closer economic convergence and greater political divergence. Taiwan's mainland policy is both the manifestation and the catalyst of the two contradictory processes. It is the locus of confrontation of the various economic, social, and political forces that propels the two concurrent processes. It has been propelled by the epic changes in the global political economy, the market‐oriented reform in China, and Taiwan's economic restructuring process. It has also been prompted by the perceived challenges and opportunities brought about by the transition to the post‐Cold War era, the unraveling of structural conflicts between a status‐quo power (i.e., the US) and a rising power (i.e., the PRC) and by the politics of political succession within the CCP. In more immediate terms, it has been driven by the power struggle over political succession within the KMT, the bureaucratic process, the interest group politics, the partisan politics in both the electoral and legislative arenas, and the unfolding of the national identity crisis during Taiwan's recent transition to democracy.     

China and Asian regionalism: Challenge and policy choice

Regionalism has become an interesting phenomenon in Asian international relations. Driven by fast growing trade and investment, Asian countries have developed variegated patterns of economic co‐operation and a complex level of interdependence among themselves. Although the growing Asian regionalism is very much an economics‐driven process, it has profound impacts on regional political organization. This analysis examines Beijing's changing attitudes toward Asian regionalism and its policy choice in the regional economic integration. It is argued that the integration of the Chinese economy into the regional structure is promoted by the government as well as driven by market dynamics. Although Beijing has let the Chinese economy develop into the regional ‘flying geese’ structure, the best policy choice for China, as many Chinese scholars have argued, would be a three‐circle strategy of integrating into the world economy and a strategy of ‘market for technology’ in regional economic co‐operation. This analysis also discusses the regional political obstacles impeding co‐operation across national borders. It is argued that healthy bilateral relations and more political will toward regional multilateralism on political issues would be instrumental for future regional prosperity and stablity in Asia.     

Foreign banks in the People's Republic of China

Many foreign banks are attracted to the PRC economy, as a result of its continuing economic growth and financial liberalisations. This paper provides an empirical analysis of the factors contributing to this development and of the features of those foreign banks choosing to enter this market. In addition, a survey questionnaire permits an assessment of the attractions and weaknesses of the PRC banking market as perceived by foreign banks. It has been shown that large, financially sound foreign banks have helped to stimulate trade and investment in the PRC. However, China's restricted movement of capital and inadequate legal framework has reinforced the need for international banking services from Hong Kong.     

A “greater China“?

This paper sees “Greater China” as a would‐be reunited China that includes the present PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao. The coming into being of a “Greater China” hinges on future domestic politics in the PRC and Taiwan and among the triangle of Beijing‐Taipei‐Hong Kong. It also hinges on American, British, and Japanese policies addressing the current trends of economic integration and political accommodation among the three Chinese entities. Of the external variables, future U.S. politics toward the PRC, and toward the evolution of political exchanges on the Beijing‐Taipei trajectory will be the most decisive. Economic and political developments in the past fifteen years have brightened the prospect of Chinese reunification, but national reunification remains a complicated and protracted process.     

澳大利亚中印移民结构数量对比研究

2011-2012年度,印度超越中国成为澳大利亚永久性移民最大来源国,2012-2013年度依旧保持最大来源国地位。本文以澳大利亚移民局、统计局官方最新资料为依据,从移民构成和数量方面对澳大利亚的中国和印度移民进行比较研究,发现亚洲移民已成为澳大利亚移民的主要来源,印度之所以超过中国成为澳大利亚永久性移民最大来源国主要是因为技术移民数量巨大,以此趋势发展下去的印度移民在未来几年极有可能超过中国成为继英国、新西兰之后的澳大利亚第三大移民群体。除技术移民流失和留学生流失,中国相比印度更加面临着商业创新投资移民的流失,加之中国国内的新增劳动力下降危机,中国调整移民政策已成为形势所必须。     

非正规的“正规化”:劳动力市场分割与家政服务企业——基于2019年四个城市的家政工人调查

在非正规就业盛行的家政市场,家政服务企业的重要性日益凸显,亟待考察这些劳动力市场中介机构的就业效果。通过分析2019年四个城市的家政工人调查数据,发现家政服务企业的发展可能会影响家政业内不同工种的收入差距,改变非正规就业市场的原有结构。伴随管理者企业的介入,家务员收入大幅提升,母婴护理员和家庭保洁员的收入则出现下降。家政企业对工人收入的改善和工作正规化的促进作用是有限的。本文不仅呈现了家政就业市场内部的异质性,为家政工作的正规化讨论提供中国经验数据,还指出劳动力市场中介机构在以女性为主的非正规就业市场上的特殊性,具有一定政策意义。     

非正规的“正规化”:劳动力市场分割与家政服务企业——基于2019年四个城市的家政工人调查

在非正规就业盛行的家政市场,家政服务企业的重要性日益凸显,亟待考察这些劳动力市场中介机构的就业效果。通过分析2019年四个城市的家政工人调查数据,发现家政服务企业的发展可能会影响家政业内不同工种的收入差距,改变非正规就业市场的原有结构。伴随管理者企业的介入,家务员收入大幅提升,母婴护理员和家庭保洁员的收入则出现下降。家政企业对工人收入的改善和工作正规化的促进作用是有限的。本文不仅呈现了家政就业市场内部的异质性,为家政工作的正规化讨论提供中国经验数据,还指出劳动力市场中介机构在以女性为主的非正规就业市场上的特殊性,具有一定政策意义。     

Rituals,Risks and Rivalries: China and ASEAN in the coming decades

This paper argues that Sino‐ASEAN relations, despite reassurances and determination by both sides to increase interactions and cooperation, have some remaining areas of contention and contestation. After its long isolation, self-imposed or otherwise, the PRC has been able to integrate itself successfully into the political life, economies, and security interests of the region. The PRC's market potentials, military capabilities and its enormous size have both excited and threatened the Southeast Asian states. While the Southeast Asian states have been willing to engage this emerging regional power, they are also wary of the potential risks when dealing with it. Increasing trade, investment, and cultural levels between the two regions have made both sides increasingly aware of the opportunities and challenges involved. The relationship is not without problems, although there is a general consensus that it is on a much better footing than in recent decades. The present developments of their relationships and in the next decade are analyzed under three categories: rituals, risks and rivalries.     

Labor Migration,Gender, and the Rise of Neo-Local Marriages in the Economic Boomtown of Dongguan,South China

In the past two decades, migration has become a quintessential feature defining the identity and life experiences of millions of young rural women who have left their home villages and migrated to urban areas for wage labor in China. However, due to the combined effects of the state-instituted hukou system and women's traditional gender roles of childcare and household duties, many female migrants face difficult choices when it is time for them to get married. In this study I examine the rise of a new marriage form among migrant couples in Dongguan, a newly industrializing boomtown in the Pearl River Delta of Guangdong province. I call this marriage a neo-local marriage as migrant couples set up their post-marital residence in a destination locale that is thousands of miles away from their hometowns. I first describe some of the new features of neo-local marriages for young migrant couples in Dongguan. I then explore Dongguan's boomtown status in the new economy, the changing labor market, and young migrants' agency as new forces behind the rise of this new marriage form. Finally I discuss both the potential transformative power of a neo-local marriage for young female migrants and the risks and constraints of this marriage for them as well.     

从必要“扣除”的角度审视中国现阶段的按劳分配

经典涵义的按劳分配以单一的生产资料社会主义公有制在经济上的直接实现——必要“扣除”为前提，它不过是生产资料社会主义公有制在经济上的间接实现。社会主义市场经济条件下，所有制结构的多元化以及公有制实现形式的多样化，使得必要“扣除”由分配的前提转变为分配本身，即按公有生产要素分配。现阶段，作为社会主义公有制“背面”的按劳分配，在国民收入的初次分配中，只能以按生产要素分配的方式直接和间接的实现，并在国民收入的再分配领域尽显分配的社会主义性质。     

人工智能时代的劳动力市场综合治理:挑战与政策工具

实现高质量和充分就业是国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要内容。人工智能为有效的劳动力市场治理带来了挑战,促使财富积累方向由资本转向知识,加快了劳动力外部化趋势,改变了工作的技能需求。这进一步造成社会发展不均衡、既有社会保障功能弱化和外部性风险加大。本文探讨了税收与转移支付、基本收入保障、积极劳动力市场政策、人力资本投资和再培训账户等政策工具组合的综合治理功能,并提出调整社会财富分配格局、增强劳动者对新技术的适应性、打造多方参与的劳动力市场社会治理格局和促进社区就业并重的政策建议,为增强劳动力市场综合治理能力奠定基础。     

城市流动散杂居少数民族经济发展研究

在散杂居少数民族乡村,劳务经济在当地经济发展中占有20%-30%比例,主要从事带有鲜明的民族特色的商业、服务行业,如经营清真食品、民族商品、民族药品等。由于受民族传统文化、语言、教育程度、谋生技能等因素影响,难以进入正规的企业就业,产业同质化,规模小,难有大作为。为此,流动散杂居少数民族发展经济需要在民族文化基础上,充分发挥劳务经济输出、输入地政府作用,利用"政府与市场"两只手,转变城市少数民族聚集区管理模式,发展特色产业,加强民族区域联动,走市场联动之路,合理有序引导少数民族流动人口,为流动少数民族提供良好就业、生活、培训环境,维护民族团结和社会稳定。     

Xiao‐kang: Deng Xiaoping's socio‐economic development target for China

Ever since xiao‐kang or XK, literally meaning a ‘relatively comfortable life’, was first slated by Deng Xiaoping in 1979 to be China's main development target, the concept has become a codeword for China's socio‐economic development. It was incorporated in several major Party documents and formally adopted as the key development target by three consecutive Five‐Year Plans. What is the real meaning of XK? This paper analyses China's first XK Index which was published in 1992, based on a cluster of economic and social indicators relating to income, food consumption, housing, and human resource development. It will be seen that XK is actually a normative concept, fuzzy and grossly imprecise, especially when applied to a transitional economy like China. What constitutes XK to Deng may well be perceived differently by the new generation of Chinese. Such is the continuing social challenge of China's economic development.     

社会主义经济论纲--兼论劳动、价值、纯产值与国民收入

社会主义市场经济必然是多种所有制、多种经济成分并存的经济 ,理解社会主义市场经济 ,关键在于对社会主义条件下的价值形成和收入分配问题的正确认识。在多种经济成分并存条件下 ,劳动创造出价值即纯产值 (V +M) ,纯产值不仅按劳分配 ,而且按其它生产要素如资本进行分配 ,通过市场竞争 ,等量劳动取得等量收益 ,而等量资本也取得各自的平均收益。在市场经济运行中 ,必然存在资本剥削 ,但从整个社会的角度看 ,这种按资分配是劳动者当家作主的社会对资本所有者的一种奖励。在社会主义市场经济中 ,劳动运营和资本运营并行不悖 ,共同为经济发展和人民生活水平提高做出贡献     

看民族区域自治法的修改

民族问题对各国都是一个重要的问题。我国采用民族区域自洁制度，算基本法律是《中华人民并和国民族区域自治法》。该法在实施１７年后于今年进行了修改。此次修改是我们政治生活和法制建设中的一件大事，它主要从六个方面修正、完善、补充了原来的法律，具有重大的意义。     

群体性劳动争议解决机制研究

随着改革开放的不断深入和我国市场经济的快速发展,日益增多的集体劳动争议、群体性劳资纠纷使当下我国劳动纠纷案件成为了热点,主要表现在集体性讨要拖欠工资、双倍工资、经济补偿金以及要求补缴社保等领域,如果没有一个有效的解决机制控制问题的蔓延,则容易造成更大的集体性纠纷。当前,我国尚未建立起发达的社会诚信考察制度,加之法治监督环节的疏漏,致使本已繁多的集体劳动纠纷,变得涉案当事人众多、案情复杂多样、社会关注度高、涉及问题敏感。因此,尽快研究群体性劳动争议解决机制,十分必要。     

论贵州民族旅游商品开发与贵州旅游经济的增长

民族旅游商品是贵州的特色旅游商品。贵州有着开发民族旅游商品的资源优势。民族旅游商品的开发,可以促进民族经济的发展,繁荣旅游购物市场。但贵州民族旅游商品的发展要解决生产规模小、销售渠道不畅、市场基础薄弱等问题。应该采取加大投入、扩大生产、建立有利于生产和销售的协调系统等措施,使民族旅游商品真正成为贵州旅游经济的又一增长点。     

Hong Kong's policy possibilities and directions toward the mainland‐Taiwan conflict

On 1 July 1997, Hong Kong was returned from British colonial rule to Chinese rule under the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The change in political status of Hong Kong has great impacts on the triangular relationship between Hong Kong, the mainland and Taiwan, in which the mainland and Taiwan are still in a state of intense political conflict and competition. This paper examines the policy possibilities and directions for Hong Kong as a Special Administrative Region of the PRC in handling its relations with Taiwan. It argues that both Beijing and Taipei want to preserve the existing Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations for political and practical purposes but at the same time will try to avoid being forced into a suspected political trap—for Beijing the recognition of Taiwan as an independent political entity and for Taipei the subordination of Taiwan to PRC sovereignty. Between these two baselines, the paper points out that Hong Kong should pursues its own Taiwan policy built upon the interests of Hong Kong and depoliticization of Hong Kong‐Taiwan relations.