Reflections on Japan's past

Fifty years after the devastation of World War II, Japan's remarkable long‐term, export‐driven economic success is known as the East Asian development model and East Asian economies have become the engine for the world's economic growth. Yet the collapse of Japan's 1980s over‐inflated “bubble economy” has created apathy and pessimism, says former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone. In May 1995, on the occasion of his seventy‐seventh birthday, after more than 45 years in the Diet, IIPS Chairman Nakasone reflects on Japan's modern history and issues a call for renewal in the following speech. Above all, he says, “Japan does have a few mavericks” and “people with true convictions [should] come forward . . . the Japanese are waiting for genuine leadership.”     

“Because we all love our country”: Refugee and Asylum‐Seeking Children,Australian Policy‐Makers,and the Building of National Sentiment

In this article I look at Australian political discourse from 2013 to 2016 to examine two twinned schemas: the ways in which the category of the child refugee or asylum‐seeker is produced, and the ways in which ideas of the Australian nation are produced, through emotional discourses, or economies of emotion. I am interested here in asking what emotional work these narratives about child refugees do in the national imagination, and to create an idea of “Australia”. Both the category of the child refugee/asylum‐seeker, and that of the nation, are not natural: they are historical productions, built through multivalent, multilingual discourses and practices. They are forms of creating difference amongst populations in society. Through a focus on these discourses, languages, and grammars — as enunciated by politicians, NGO workers, lawyers, activists, and policy‐makers — I will explore the specific ways in which the emotional economies function, and work to understand and historicise the systems of ideas and relations that they produce.     

Process of accession to the world trade organization

In a struggle that began in the early 1980s, many countries worked in the Uruguay Round negotiations of 1986–94 to strengthen the multilateral trading system, as well as advance the liberalization of international trade in goods, services and ideas. Governments are in the process of implementing the resulting agreements that now comprise the World Trade Organization. They are interested in extending the WTO system to “outside” economies, but not in exposing it to fresh disputes and divisions, which is why negotiations on the accession of new members are detailed, rigorous and time consuming. This is critical in accommodating the “economies in transition.”     

Australia and Scotland: the Evolution of a Long‐Distance Relationship1

Scotland's impact across the world undoubtedly stretched to the Antipodes particularly, but not only, in the colonial era. Under the “canopy of Empire”, Australia and Scotland were linked by migration, trade, capital movements and by cultural ties. But these were all two‐way ties. They did not simply colour the “Australian civilisation”. Rather there was a vital and shifting reciprocation between Scotland and Australia. The relationship between them has mainly been determined by their different economic trajectories. Today financial and skilled human capital move each way between the two countries with heightened velocity and efficiency. These flows, along with continuing cultural connections, enmesh two fully developed modern economies.     

Displaced Persons and the Politics of International Categorisation(s)

Between 1947 and 1952 170,000 Displaced Persons (DPs) arrived in Australia as International Refugee Organisation (IRO)‐sponsored refugees. This article sets out the international historical and political context for the migration of DPs to Australia, and interrogates the “bureaucratic labelling” inherent in the category “Displaced Persons”. The post‐war refugees were presented internationally as “Displaced Persons”, “refugees”, “political refugees” and eventually, in an effort to solve the population crisis, as potential “workers” and “migrants”. This article will describe the historical origin of the terms “Displaced Persons”, “refugees”, “political exiles” and “migrants”— terms which were, and continue to be, relevant and problematic.     

What might be expected from the APEC meetings in Osaka

The purpose of the third APEC “summit,” taking place in Osaka on November 19, 1995, is to begin securing agreement on an action plan for achieving the “Bogor goals” of free and open trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific region by 2020, with the developed economies doing so by 2010. With pragmaticism as the hallmark of APEC deliberations, the leaders are expected (1) to focus on the principles of an action plan, leaving aside more difficult issues, (2) to conclude certain “business facilitation” agreements, and (3) to agree to accelerate the implementation of certain Uruguay Round agreements.     

Post‐War Reconstruction and the New World Order: The Origins Of Gough Whitlam's Democratic Citizen*

Gough Whitlam's father was one of Australia's most significant public servants. Deputy Crown Solicitor and Crown Solicitor at a time of great constitutional and international change, Frederick Whitlam maintained an unusually advanced perspective on the use of international instruments to protect rights and to expand powers of nationhood. Gough Whitlam's war‐time experiences in the Air Force, in particular during the referendum campaign to expand Commonwealth Powers to aid post‐war reconstruction, cemented these aspects as central to his developing notions of democratic citizenship. In his 1973 Sir Robert Garran Memorial lecture, fourteen years after his father had delivered the inaugural oration, Gough Whitlam acknowledged the influence of his father as a “great public servant” committed to public service and the developing institutions of internationalism: “I am Australia's first Prime Minister with that particular background”. This paper explores “that particular background”. I have never wavered from my fundamental belief that until the national government became involved in great matters like schools and cities, this nation would never fulfil its real capabilities. ¹ 1 E.G. Whitlam, Sir Robert Garran Memorial Oration, “Australian Public Administration under a Labor Government”, Royal Australian Institute of Public Administration, 12 November 1973, < http://www.whitlam.org/collection/1973/ > accessed 31 October 2006.
     

Notes and news

Russia and Asia have an ambiguous relationship. More than half of Russia is geographically in Asia and much of its history, too. Peter the Great switched Russia's main focus to Europe. But by the middle of the 19^th century the “Slavophiles” were contesting that “Westernising” view as the Russian Empire expanded. After World War II, the USSR played an important ideological role in Asia, until the failure of the invasion of Afghanistan. The ensuing collapse of the USSR resulted in a smaller, much more “European” Russia, which the West was nonetheless not eager to embrace. Today, the dynamic economies of Asia offer opportunities, not least as a market for Russia's energy exports. But the legacy of Peter the Great lives on.     

Total War and Genocide: Reflections on the Second World War

This paper draws on the findings of a series of international conferences on the question of “total war” in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries to investigate possible connections between “total war” and the problem of genocide. Both “total war” and genocide appear to have reached a terrible culmination in the years 1937‐1945, raising the question of the connection between the two phenomena. This paper considers the usefulness of concepts such as “total war” and “genocide” as social‐scientific ideal types, before going on to reflect on the state of research on the linkage between Nazi Germany's drive for “total war” and its implementation of policies of genocide.     

Harmonizing investment incentives in the APEC process

Security of access to markets is critically important in international trade in goods and services. Security is also critically important to foreign direct investment. With the “globalization” of production, international attention has been turning to improving the institutional environment for FDI, especially in developing economies. In APEC, the focus has been on principles and a non-binding code, but in due course the focus will have to shift to a binding agreement with rules that instill the confidence needed for providers of capital to invest in the major infrastructure projects that will make a difference in East Asia’s development. The focus here is on limits on the level of investment incentives that governments can use to attract foreign investors.     

The Transformation of Australian Electoral Analysis: The Two‐Party Preferred Vote — Origins,Impacts, and Critics

Measuring party support in Australia by constructing a “two‐party preferred” vote has had a profound effect, not only on the way political scientists, journalists, and politicians understand electoral “swing” and predict electoral outcomes, but also on their understanding of the party system, their thinking about electoral fairness, and their views about which party or parties can legitimately claim government. This article traces the origins — the maternity as well as the paternity – of the “two‐party preferred”. It documents its spread from federal to state elections, even as voting systems in some states have switched from exhaustive preferential to optional preferential. It discusses its wide‐ranging impact, and its implications for notions of electoral fairness and the legitimacy of election outcomes. It evaluates various criticisms of the concept — technical, pragmatic, and conceptual. And it notes the implications for marginal seat campaigning of the commonly observed “uniform swing”— implications completely at odds with the idea that marginal seats matter.     

Ministerial Consultants and Privatisation: Australian Federal Government 1985–88

The “turn to the market” by the Hawke Government (1983–91) began with the floating of the dollar and the de‐regulation of the banks, and later involved the privatisation of government assets. Though presented as a coherent re‐thinking of Labor ideology, an examination of the events leading to privatisation reveals an episodic process that was not inevitable. The genesis of the economic statement of May 1987, which first delineated “asset sales” and signalled later privatisations, shows that individuals could act as “policy entrepreneurs” and bring unexpected solutions to re‐defined problems. Important was David Block, one of a unique cadre of policy advisers – the “ministerial consultants” established in 1984 by the Labor government as part of its plan to control the public service, and all but abolished by John Howard in 1996. Though Block was not a typical consultant, his case shows how market‐oriented ideas entered government through new channels at that time, and how a political “reform” had consequences in the economy that were unintended by the early reformers. Ministerial consultants have received little attention hitherto but their case illuminates some of the dramatic policy shifts of the government and shows that a discourse (in this case about “administrative reform”) was reformulated to overturn old values about the role of government in the economy.     

Private Interest Governments are Dead. Long Live Private Interest Governments? Lessons from Swiss Cows

This article looks at the most recent developments of the interest associations in the Swiss dairy sector. In the past, these had become famous as so‐called “Private Interest Governments” (PIGs) in which interest associations were equipped with public authority. The initial abolition of the PIG of the Swiss dairy sector in 1999 resulted in a significant and disruptive weakening of the traditional actors which were consequently transformed into liberalised service‐oriented organisations, and it seemed that the Swiss dairy sector could be an example of a long‐time “path” which had come to an end. However, more recent developments, which were partially induced by the associations themselves and partially coincidental, have led to the emergence of a “differentiated PIG”. Although associational governance has not been completely re‐introduced, and the sector remains largely liberalised, the example shows that a path which has been followed for more than 80 years cannot simply be reversed and replaced by a new path, and that deeply institutionalised structures can partially survive if a “window of opportunity” opens.     

Strategic Othering: Framing Lebanese Migration and Fraser's “Mistake”

Australian Minister for Immigration and Border Protection, Peter Dutton, has framed the mid‐1970s immigration of Lebanese affected by civil war as Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser's “mistake”. His remarks sparked controversy in the parliament and the media. The issue became a contest of frames between the Murdoch media, which supported the Minister's “mistake” frame and argued his right to “tell the truth”, and the Fairfax media, which viewed the Minister as being “racist” for “scapegoating” the Lebanese community. Along with archival documents, this article examines the context and coverage of the Minister's remarks, noting that the frames presented in the media “indexed” those adopted amongst political elites, while failing to re‐examine the historical record. This case study demonstrates the power of framing and the media's tendency to accept rather than challenge frames used by those in the political contest, with the result that errors in the representation of history were never corrected. This article draws on framing theory and indexing theory and concludes that the “mistake” frame for the Lebanese feeds into narratives that serve to “other” Muslim and Arab groups, fanning fears and mobilising a discourse of Islamophobia around the exclusion of “undesirable” immigrants on the basis of “cultural fit”.     

Perspectives on the study of culture and international politics: From Nihonjinron to the new Asianism∗

Stephanie Lawson, Professor of International Relations at the University of East Anglia in Norwich, UK, considers the role that the concept of “culture” has come to assume in the study of international politics, especially in relation to the Asia‐Pacific region. Much of the cultural nationalist rhetoric associated with the “Nihonjinron” as well as discourses surrounding the “new Asianism” has had two main consequences. One has been to reinforce static perceptions of culture as a marker of essential difference. On the other hand, some obvious instrumental uses to which it has been put by some political elites in the region has generated a great deal of cynicism about the concept. Taking culture seriously requires a different approach—one which stresses the dynamic properties of culture and its potential role in transcending the “East‐West” divide. The original version of this paper was presented at the Nissan Institute of Japanese Studies, St. Antony's College, Oxford, on 29 November 1998.     

The Global Capitalism School Tested in Asia: Transnational Capitalist Class vs Taking the State Seriously

Globalisation continues to stir debate. One burgeoning theoretical perspective is the “global capitalism school” (GCS), anchored around the writings of William Robinson. The GCS argues that globalisation marks a new epoch as nationally-based elites are no longer the central locus of power in world order with the rise of a “transnational capitalist class” (TCC). Jeb Sprague’s edited volume, Globalization and Transnational Capitalism in Asia and Oceania, is the first book-length study testing key tenets of the GCS in the Asia-Pacific, and therefore fills a crucial gap. In this review article, it is argued that this book does not overcome what I believe are some key theoretical and empirical problems in the GCS, from not taking the state seriously to a dearth of corporate ownership data to demonstrate the existence of a TCC. To argue this, the article draws upon chapters in the book itself that are critical of the GCS, as well as from empirical research on corporate ownership and nationality. Nevertheless, it is concluded that this book is essential reading for anyone interested in the GCS, as well as the broader theoretical implications and empirical impacts of globalisation in the Asia-Pacific region.     

后新冠疫情时代中国开拓印度洋出海大通道的机遇与挑战

出海大通道的建设涉及中国的政治、经济和国家安全,是国家未来发展的关键利益所在.在新冠疫情影响下,国际格局受到二战以来前所未有的冲击,疫情已成为影响当前国家间关系、国际格局以及秩序的最重大因素.疫情带来的冲击短期内难以消除,在后疫情时代,国际形势仍将继续发生巨大转变,尤其是中美战略竞争全面升级给中国发展带来了前所未有的挑战.当前中国开拓和维护印度洋出海大通道的影响因素有增加和复杂化的趋势.此次疫情极大地冲击了各国经济,导致全球经济衰退,后新冠疫情时代促进经济发展将会是各国共同的目标.中国需继续推动"一带一路"建设,助力"一带一路"建设成为全球经济发展的引擎,吸引更多的国家加入.此外,中国应尽快推出"两洋出海"战略,构建新的出海格局,连接太平洋和印度洋的出海通道,形成战略互动.在对接"一带一路"的基础上将云南省打造成为中国印度洋出海通道上的战略支点,成为中国构建西南方向出海的中心和桥梁.在后疫情时代,中国需要清楚认识开拓印度洋出海大通道建设的必要性和紧迫性,抓紧印度洋出海大通道的谋篇布局,促进"一带一路"倡议和"两洋出海"战略的深入发展,保障中国的海洋权益,建设海洋强国.     

日本护理机器人“产学官”协同创新实践模式——以PALRO护理机器人为例

目前中国社会正在面临人口老龄化和护理人员匮乏的问题。为了应对“老龄化中国”,国家层面近年出台了相关政策,助推服务机器人在护理领域中的研发和应用。基于日本“产学官”协同创新理论,构建“产学官”协同创新模型,探讨日本富士软件生产的PALRO护理机器人的创新实践。研究结果显示:(1)在知识的创造方面:NEDO为智能模块的研发打造了一个开放式创新平台,通过“产学官”协同创新整合了分散在“产”“学”“官”各领域的相关创新资源。(2)在知识的共享和转移方面:NEDO首先选择具有基础性、通用性的智能模块作为共同研究对象;其次,确定和保障了各智能模块的功能及标准的制定;最后,致力于标准化智能模块的应用和推广。(3)在基于知识的创业方面:将PALRO机器人打造成科研、商用、家庭机器人三个系列以及新产品Palmi机器人的开发是富士软件在移动功能模块和交流功能模块技术的基础上所采取的主要创业形式。以此为基础,可以从“知识的创造”“知识的共享和转移”“基于知识的创业”三个维度,对中国护理机器人产业的发展提出政策建议。     

Separatism or Status‐Quo?: Indigenous Affairs from the Birth of Land Rights to the Death of ATSIC*

Unlike other settler societies, Australia has yet to recognise Indigenous peoples as “peoples” or “nations”. Despite this, we see something of a consensus emerging which suggests Indigenous “separatism” has been tried and failed in Australia, and it is time to revisit an integrationist approach in order to improve Indigenous peoples' socio‐economic position. This paper challenges the assumption that, beginning in the 1970s, Indigenous‐state relations have been characterised by the realisation of a separatist agenda. On the contrary, assessing three decades of Indigenous‐state relations reveals a consistent logic from the state which ultimately seeks to integrate Indigenous Australians, rather than recognise them as having a distinct — and separate — political identity. This logic reached its “natural” conclusion with the abolition of elected Indigenous political representation in 2005.     

Logics of action and models of capitalism: Explaining bottom‐up non‐liberal change

Recent institutionalist scholarship has theorized the liberalization or “disorganization” of capitalism as the result of shifts in economic actors' “logic of action” towards opportunism. Little attention has been given to the reverse possibility that shifts in economic actors' “logic of action” away from opportunism might contribute to “embedding” or “organizing” capitalism. This paper builds on recent scholarship to theorize this scenario and then demonstrate its empirical validity with an historical institutionalist study of the emergence of such a “non‐liberal” institution in Switzerland in 1961. The theoretical framework links three “logics of action” – opportunism, enlightened self‐interest and strong solidarity – to Höpner's typology of capitalist institutions – organized, coordinated, and liberal. It theorizes the interactions between these logics and the social mechanism – goal signaling – that can explain a shift from one logic of action to another, potentially leading to change from one type of institution to another.