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1.
For the past fifty years the Japan‐US alliance has provided the framework for Asia‐Pacific security, says Jusuf Wanandi, Chairman of the Centre for Strategic International Studies in Indonesia and former research fellow at IIPS. The region's political and economic dynamics are changing, Wanandi says, and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) supports an increased Japanese security role, with regional organizations acting as a conduit. But before Japan will win the confidence of some Asian neighbors, he says, Japan must open its economy, reform its domestic politics, and come to terms with its militaristic past.  相似文献   

2.
Since the 1950s the Japanese government has irrationally claimed that the Constitution bars it from exercising the right of collective self‐defense, says Seizaburo Sato, IIPS research director. International law clearly gives Japan the right to exercise both individual and collective self‐defense, says Sato, but the Japanese government's official view does not conform with this law. Sato sees the right to exercise collective self‐defense as essential to Japan's security, and argues that Japan should immediately declare this right. Then, taking all necessary time and in accordance with post‐war Japan's founding ideals, Japan should amend the Constitution.  相似文献   

3.
In recent years Japanese ways of thinking and behavioral patterns have changed considerably. Perhaps most important, according to Hayao Kawai, Director‐General of the International Research Center for Japanese Studies in Kyoto, has been a change in the relationship between individuals and society as a whole. This change will be worthwhile if it unleashes the initiative and capability of each individual for the good of society, Kawai says, but if it should give rise to an unfettered form of egoism, Japan is bound to end up with serious social problems. Japanese people are raised to be aware of the totality of relationships between people, so Japanese society presents a model of man in society that is quite different from the individualistic model of Western society. The task is to live with both world views, and constantly seek better ways to deal with the changing outside world.  相似文献   

4.
The prospects for economic recovery in Indonesia depend partly on economic improvement in the other countries of the Asia‐Pacific region, says Sujatmiko, Counsellor of the Indonesian Embassy in Tokyo. If Japan were successful in generating a strong domestic economic recovery, that would in turn help Asia's recovery. The Japanese government's quick and positive response to the financial crisis in Indonesia has been greatly appreciated, although not without its problems. Notably, other major powers have wanted to play a significant role in saving Asia, and some regional rivalry has surfaced. For Japan, Sujatmiko says, the biggest obstacle against taking a leading role has been its closest ally, the United States.  相似文献   

5.
Fifty years after the devastation of World War II, Japan's remarkable long‐term, export‐driven economic success is known as the East Asian development model and East Asian economies have become the engine for the world's economic growth. Yet the collapse of Japan's 1980s over‐inflated “bubble economy” has created apathy and pessimism, says former Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone. In May 1995, on the occasion of his seventy‐seventh birthday, after more than 45 years in the Diet, IIPS Chairman Nakasone reflects on Japan's modern history and issues a call for renewal in the following speech. Above all, he says, “Japan does have a few mavericks” and “people with true convictions [should] come forward . . . the Japanese are waiting for genuine leadership.”  相似文献   

6.
Business needs to take the lead as APEC evolves into a genuine force for freer trade that will greatly increase business opportunities and improve living standards in the region, says Minoru Murofushi, CEO of Itochu Corporation. Although tariff and non‐tariff barriers have been falling, drastic steps must still be taken for APEC to reach its goals, he says. Government and business must cooperate closely to eliminate the many trade impediments that remain among APEC members, and together they must also address deregulation, intellectual property rights, the environment, and infrastructure development.  相似文献   

7.
The merging of the Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund (OECF) and the ExportImport Bank of Japan to form the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) signals a new phase in Japanese economic cooperation. In this article, Akira Nishigaki, former president of the OECF , describes the role and significance of Japan's official development assistance and considers recent policy trends and issues. It is essential for the peace and prosperity of Japan and of the world as a whole, he says, that Japan maintain favorable relations of interdependence in the international community. In this spirit, he expresses his hope that in funding and implementing assistance the JBIC will continue to strengthen Japan's considerable contribution to the development of developing countries.  相似文献   

8.
The crisis in Indonesia is first and foremost a political crisis that has been exposed and complicated by the financial crisis, says Jusuf Wanandi, Chairman of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta. The riots of 14 and 15 May 1998 forced President Soeharto to transfer power to his vice‐president, B. J. Habibie. However, because Habibie lacks credibility and legitimacy as a leader, he has been considered from the outset a transition figure. There is great hope that the general elections in June 1999 will solve the questions about the legitimacy of the government, and restore stability, security, and economic development throughout Indonesia, but there are still many obstacles to overcome if the elections are to be held on schedule. Furthermore, if the election results are not deemed fair, a political upheaval will likely occur. Indonesia, Wanandi says, cannot afford any further mistakes.  相似文献   

9.
Japan's development cooperation policy has been shaped by the country's unique position as the world's largest aid recipient following World War II and its rapid transformation into the world's top aid donor. In this article, Kimio Fujita, President of the Japan International Cooperation Agency, examines the history of Japan's unique style of development cooperation and looks at how par ticular development projects are carried out. In applying the Japanese experience, he says, it is necessar y to take a flexible approach that considers the environment, society, traditions, and other conditions of the partner country. The three key concepts of (Japanese experience,) (discovery and identification,) and (creativity) are likely to emerge as guidelines for effective cooperation.  相似文献   

10.
How should the Japanese think about their security now the cold War is over? What if the US pulled out of East Asia? Robyn Lim, professor of international relations at Hiroshima Shudo University, suggests that Japan badly needs a mature debate about strategic issues. It would be a dangerous delusion, she says, to think that Japan could use its economic strength to achieve strategic security. Without the protection that alliances provide, the world can be a cruel place in which security can deteriorate overnight. Delusions held by both left and right in Japan risk fostering the belief in the US that the Japanese people are incapable of accepting any responsibility for themselves, and so are not worth defending.  相似文献   

11.
Asia is facing a period of great change as we head toward the twenty‐first century. It is vitally important that Asian nations find stability within this change, not simply for its own sake, but in order to increase the prosperity and well‐being of citizens, says Anthony Lake, former National Security Advisor for President Clinton. He argues that common, globally‐accepted “rules of the road” must be adopted in order to ensure a peaceful stability in the Asia‐Pacific region and in the world. This is a revised version of a speech Lake gave to the Symposium of the Global Forum on 19 September 1997 at International House of Japan in Tokyo.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

“I want to describe lots of people who are directly involved in business,” says Shimizu Ikkō. Shimizu Ikkō (1931- )is the pioneer of Japanese “business novels” (kigyō shōsetsu) and one of the most prolific and popular novelists today. Born in Tokyo, Shimizu attended Waseda University and was active as a freelance writer contributing articles to weekly magazines until he was recognized as a novelist. His An Artery Archipelago (Dōmyaku rettō) was awarded the 28th Japanese Detective Story Writers Association Prize in 1975.  相似文献   

13.
The fascinating political history of Japan in the 1990s seems to demonstrate with some clarity that the path to reform is strewn with obstacles, and those taking the path are smitten with palsy, says J.A.A. Stockwin, Nissan Professor of Modern Japanese Studies at the University of Oxford. Stockwin argues that it is much too early to say that genuine reform of the Japanese political system is under way. He outlines several explanations for this systemic conservatism, noting that interventionist government and communal values are longstanding aspects of the Japanese political culture. In the course of his analysis, Stockwin provides a survey of recent and not‐so‐recent literature on the subject.  相似文献   

14.
Najmul Saqib Khan was Pakistan's ambassador to Japan from 1985 to 1988. He says of Japan, “The country made a profound and lasting impact on me. The economic achievements of a resource‐poor country, the retention of cultural identity by a synthesis of tradition and modernity, and the innovativeness and communitarian values of Japanese society were genuinely impressive. Japan showed a virtually untapped potential to play a more active and independent role in the world.” Khan subsequently wrote a book that distilled the lessons that Southwest Asia could learn from Japan.’ He argued that countries undergoing modernization should shed their elitism and concentrate on attaining a high standard of capability for the average citizen. In this essay, he analyzes the challenges facing Japan in the post‐Cold War era.  相似文献   

15.
Several factors contributed to the crisis in the Russian financial system that began on “Black Monday” in August 1998. However, behind these factors lies a deeper problem of a different dimension, says Professor Shigeki Hakamada, Department of International Politics and Economics, Aoyama Gakuin University, Tokyo. Put simply, Russia lacks the fundamental requirements of a modern civil society and market economy. Those requirements are a well‐established social order and an ethos conducive to maintaining such order: that is, an emphasis on contracts, trust, legal order, and civic responsibility. Russia must now devote its energies to improving its investment environment through serious self‐help efforts, which means striving to overcome the problems arising from its low‐trust society.  相似文献   

16.
日本对非经济关系虽然已有数十年的历史,但进展缓慢,日本学界及经济界也常常批评日本政府对非洲不够重视。90年代以后日本充分利用非洲发展会议(TICAD)这一平台,全方位地加大了对非洲的关注力度,尤其是目前的安倍政权更是推出了一系列的非洲经济政策,旨在增强同非洲各国的经济关系,谋求更多的经济利益和国际话语权。  相似文献   

17.
In the globalizing world economy, the economic performance of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) economies is being increasingly shaped by dynamic and emerging economies in Asia and other areas. This fact makes it a priority for the OECD to chart a path for how countries—both OECD and non‐OECD—can best work together and meet the challenges of globalization, says Kumiharu Shigehara, deputy secretary‐general of the OECD. A primary key to that strategy is for the OECD to expand its dialogue and cooperation with economies from the Asian region, he argues.  相似文献   

18.
Japanese economic policy has been identified as one possible cause of the East Asian financial crisis that began in July 1997. In this article, Yoichi Okita, Professor of Economics at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, Tokyo, discusses Japan's role in the recovery of East Asian economies. Can and should Japan contribute to that recovery? To what extent is the recession in Japan an important cause of slow recovery in the region? Okita explores and develops the concept of economic policy coordination. Although changes in the Japanese economy were not the origin of the East Asian crisis, he says, prolonged stagnation in Japan is, nevertheless, a drag on the economies that are in trouble. However, one country's fiscal actions alone cannot solve the crisis; rather, all countries in the region should work together to redress the problem.  相似文献   

19.
There are two main reasons for the prolonged period of weak growth in the Japanese economy, says Mikio Wakatsuki, Chairman of the Board of Counsellors, The Japan Research Institute, Tokyo. The first is complacency; the second is that Japan has overlooked the implications of changes in the global economic paradigm. Both have led Japan to procrastination in dealing with the problems it faces. Wakatsuki identifies five problems in the Japanese economy: deflation, debt, deregulation, deficit, and demography. Despite the challenges these problems pose, he sees 1999 as a year of consolidation and rehabilitation for the economy, which will pave the way for a moderate, healthy upswing in the year 2000.  相似文献   

20.
This article questions why Japan has taken a neutral position in the Sino‐American trade tensions in 2018, despite its political rivalry with Beijing. It claims that the Japanese strategy towards China between 2012 and 2018 has moved from confrontational competition to competitive cooperation over third‐country markets; this is because of their shared beliefs and methodology regarding regional development. The paper undertakes three major tasks. Firstly, it compares Chinese and Japanese academic discussions regarding East Asia. It finds that experts on both sides admit the significant implications of the politico‐economic divide in the regional system. However, the realistic Chinese tend to consider the divide as a problem to be solved through power, whereas the more liberal Japanese expect it to provide a coordinating function for the regional order as a whole. Secondly, the article reviews the shifts in the Japanese government's behaviours toward China in recent years. It argues that Japan has moved for collaboration with China to maintain the liberal rule‐based order in the region. Finally, founded on the estimate of China's economic leverage over its neighbours, the paper claims that Japan will expand its responsibility in order formation in East Asia in future, becoming more independent from American influences.  相似文献   

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