共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Joni Lovenduski 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):207-220
Sons and Daughters of Darkness Barry Keith Grant (ed.), The Dread of Difference: Gender and the Horror Film, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1996, £17.20 pbk. Fin‐de‐siècle Fictions Sally Ledger, The New Woman: Fiction and Feminism at the Fin de Siècle, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997, £35, £12.99 pbk. David Glover, Vampires, Mummies and Liberals: Bram Stoker and the Politics of Popular Fiction, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996, £47.50, £15.95 pbk. Historicizing the Uncanny Terry Castle, The Female Thermometer: Eighteenth‐century Culture and the Invention of the Uncanny, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995, £27.50, £11.99 (pbk.). Erotic Aesthetics Suzanne Nalbantian (ed.), Anaïs Nin: Literary Perspectives, London: Macmillan, 1997, £40. Topic of Cancer Jackie Stacey, Teratologies: A Cultural Study of Cancer, London: Routledge, 1997, £45.00, £13.99 pbk. 相似文献
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Sissel Rosland 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2017,25(3):195-210
This article analyses the character and meanings of references to Norwegian experiences in the UK women’s suffrage campaign. It argues that the references to Norway served two main purposes. Firstly, they served as evidence of all the good things that would happen as a result of women gaining the vote, such as wage equality and social reform. Secondly, they played a significant part in establishing a counter-narrative to the anti-suffragist warnings of all the terrible things that would follow women’s suffrage. The study also discusses the limitations of political exchange and shows how different political contexts came into play in the debates on the validity of the Norwegian example. 相似文献
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Televised political debates have attracted intensive research interest. Here we examined the effect of mixed-gender televised political debates on the candidates’ multimodal gender communicative accountability structure. The 2016 election campaign in the United States introduced for the first time a new factor into the presidential political contest: gender. This study is grounded in a theoretical and analytical framework that maps gender accountability structures of verbal/nonverbal communication patterns. We analyzed the televised debates during the 2016 US presidential campaign with the candidates: Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton. The findings indicated that during mixed-gender debates, contenders present conduct that correspond to their gender communicative structures, primarily nonverbal patterns. Trump mainly expressed masculine-communicative patterns, while Clinton displayed mostly feminine-communicative patterns. The theoretical and analytical framework highlights the effect of gender on political communication. The novel perspective delineates and explains the implications of multimodal gender communicative accountability structure of contenders in mixed-gender political debates. 相似文献
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Phoebe Musandu 《Women's history review》2019,28(4):587-606
This paper re-visits Kenyan history at the point of transition to independence but this time, with a focus on women’s history. It examines the political careers of the first African women in colonial Kenya to be nominated to Kenya’s colonial-era LEGCO (Legislative Council). They were nominees of the country’s governor. The process that led to their nominations was neither transparent nor consultative, their terms were short and the extent to which they fostered broader working alliances with women outside the LEGCO was equally limited. These were the consequences of a nomination process that served the cosmetic interests of the state in the absence of a bolder effort to address the lack of women in the LEGCO, and the broader structural problems that cultivated gender inequalities which were then manifested in the low-level of women’s involvement in the country’s political arena. 相似文献
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Karmenlara Seidman 《Women & Performance》2013,23(1):117-136
In this study we seek to understand the gendered dynamics of bearing witness, remembering, and mourning in contemporary Israeli society by examining the performative practices of one protest movement, Women in Black (WiB). Our focus is on the Haifa chapter of the movement, whose vigils we observed over a seven-year period. After a brief overview of the literature regarding national remembering and commemoration in Israel, the formation of WiB and its place in Israeli political life and discourse, we move to our analysis of the vigil. We argue that by analyzing WiB's vigil as a performance, we are able to complicate the discussion concerning women, performance and remembrance in general and in Israel in particular. We find that through their performance WiB disrupts the current “economy of memory” in Israel; by remembering and performing that which many would like to remain forgotten – the occupation which followed the 1967 War and its consequences – it engages in a project of “transformative remembering,” which disturbs its audience's equanimity and forces it to review its past. 相似文献
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村民自治制度,实质上是市场经济背景下我国农村资源分配机制的改革。它不但拓宽了中国农民制度化政治参与的途径,培育了他们的民主意识和能力;而且压缩了农村政治权力过度介入资源分配的制度空间,有利于缓和现阶段农村的利益矛盾,从而有助于保持中国现代化进程中的农村政治稳定,为国家深化改革奠定了坚实的基础。 相似文献
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Sharyn Graham Davies Judy McGregor Judith Pringle Lynne Giddings 《Journal of Gender Studies》2018,27(6):623-636
This article argues that neoliberalism with its pervasive patriarchy and co-option of feminism, renders women tacitly complicit in gendered pay inequalities. We show that in New Zealand, one of the world’s most neoliberal nations, women who might precisely be best equipped to argue for equal pay – engineers – do not do so because neoliberalism makes many feel responsible for, and accepting of, their lower salaries. In interviews and focus groups, many women engineers talk of deserving less pay than men because of their ‘choices’, their ‘personality’ and their lack of ‘responsibility’. In a disempowering environment, some women show agency by disavowing gender as a reason for the pay gap. Such narratives of individualized shortcomings reduce hope of collective action that might uncover and dismantle the systemic causes of pay inequity, which are not due to a woman’s choice or personality but rather what we frame as the neoliberal chimera. 相似文献
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Katharine N. Rankin Andrea J. Nightingale Pushpa Hamal Tulasi S. Sigdel 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):280-299
This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy. 相似文献
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《Journal of Gender Studies》2012,21(2):181-194
Literature shows that politics remains associated with maleness in the American cultural discourse. For a female to be elected to office, she must balance common archetypical masculine characteristics that represent strong and capable leadership, with the nurturing expected of women. An in-depth qualitative analysis of Nancy Pelosi's news coverage in five major US dailies confirms these stereotypes. Portrayed as ‘very strong’ and ‘decisive’, the Speaker ‘knows what she wants’. But the woman with ‘the spine of steel’ also possesses a ‘heart of gold’. She is a mother of five and a grandmother of six, and, of course, wears Armani suits. The tension between the two opposite personalities – one predominantly ‘masculine’ and the other clearly ‘feminine’ – characterizes the coverage of the country's first female Speaker and reveals the implications of gendered news coverage on the way Pelosi is perceived as leader. The newspapers examined include the New York Times, the Washington Post, USA Today, the Los Angeles Times and the San Francisco Chronicle. 相似文献
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《Child & Youth Services》2013,34(3-4):107-122
SUMMARY The concept of citizenship is a central, necessary, and defining feature of youth civic engagement. Any effort to educate young people for citizenship entails an implicit idea of what a “good citizen” is. There are a number of different and sometimes competing versions of what is a “good citizen.” This chapter reviews “standard” accounts of citizenship in political theory and offers lived citizen as a critical expansion and bridging dimension to current discourses of citizenship. We develop this idea through our readings of the three initiatives in conversation with the writing of Hannah Arendt and John Dewey. Our reading of Arendt and Dewey provides a grounded, embodied, and fluid understanding of the relationship between doing citizen activities (PA, YIG, YSC), becoming citizen (learning through interaction), and being citizen. 相似文献
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Langhout Regina Day Rhodes Jean E. Osborne Lori N. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2004,33(4):293-306
The goal of this study was to empirically distinguish a range of mentor relationships and to evaluate their differential influence on adolescent outcomes. The study makes use of data that were collected as part of a national evaluation of Big Brothers/Big Sisters of America. The evaluation included 1138 youth, ranging in age from 10 through 16 (M=12.25), who were assigned randomly to either a mentoring relationship or a control group and followed for 18 months. A series of analyses, based on the matched youth's accounts of the relationships, suggested 4 distinct types of relationships (i.e., moderate, unconditionally supportive, active, and low-key). The 4 groups tended to distinguish themselves from one another on the basis of perceived support, structure, and activity. Relative to the controls, youth who characterized their mentor relationships as providing moderate levels of both activity and structure and conditional support derived the largest number of benefits from the relationships. These included improvements in social, psychological, and academic outcomes. Implications of the findings for research and intervention are discussed. 相似文献
13.
加强医院工会思想政治工作的基本原则 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
张黎 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(5):77-78
医院工会思想政治工作是医院思想政治工作中的重要组成部分。有针对性地开展思想政治工作,是工会应履行的职责,也是应研究和探讨的课题。医院工会加强思想政治工作应围绕医院的中心工作,为职工解决生活中的实际问题,加强民主管理,加强医院文化的教育功能。 相似文献
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Peta Hinton 《Women: A Cultural Review》2014,25(1):99-113
AbstractPlaying a pivotal role in foregrounding a feminist politics of difference, a politics of location embodies what can be termed second-wave concerns that continue to inform contemporary feminist modes of inquiry and research. However, the attention to material specificity that locatability performs has emphasized the identity of the speaking subject at the same time as it has acknowledged materiality's entangled engagements as suggestive of the complicated production of any identity. In her 1988 essay ‘Situated Knowledges’, Donna Haraway both raises and responds to the challenge of a feminist politics of location in a way that anticipates a convoluted politics of the subject, in particular where she is not satisfied to relinquish universality and objectivity, or the ‘non-local’, in her provocative thinking through of situated knowledge production. The partial perspective she uncovers insists that the capacity for identity is addressed as a political gesture, with a reminder that any appeal to perspective is a non-innocent participation in what it helps to produce. In taking up Haraway's essay, the author engages with the problematic nature of a politics of location that is confounded by the direction of its critical interventions, and in such a way anticipates and performs new (feminist) materialist concerns. Questioning the nature of non-locatability and its political imperatives, the author suggests an ‘annunciative politics’ through which to consider some of the implications of Haraway's figuring of the partial perspective, to ask after feminism's political impetus with the tensions raised in Haraway's argument kept alive. 相似文献
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何小英 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(6):70-72
加入WTO后给高校思想政治工作带来了新的发展机遇和新的挑战。为此,要树立时代、开放、务虚与务实相统一等三种观念;充实法制法规等五项新内容;构建高校思想政治工作网站等三种途径来加强和改进高校思想政治工作。 相似文献
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李慎忠 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2002,16(4):31-33
厂务公开是推进企业民主政治建设和党风廉政建设的一项系统工程。在国有企业建立现代企业制度的过程中 ,如何使厂务公开实现工作重点上的转移 ,进一步健全制度和完善机制建设 ,在工作规范方面切实加大力度 ,确保厂务公开工作不断得以深化。本文结合国有企业开展厂务公开工作的实践 ,特别是胜利油田开展厂务公开工作的实践 ,就这个问题进行了一些探讨。 相似文献
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Susan Fitzpatrick 《Women & Performance》2015,25(2):237-248
This article considers the spatial politics of contemporary performance spaces constructed through DIY, improvised noise scenes. Noise (as something performed) is often categorized as “experimental,” “free,” or “avant garde.” It carries associations of emancipation, eschewing as it does conventional musical training, and the constraints of formal compositional and linguistic expression. Unfolding as a debate between the two authors, this article reflects on the contributions post-structural feminist theory brings to an understanding of where and how women practitioners negotiate noise-performance spaces. By considering noise as a conceptual object as well as noise as sonic performance, and by reflecting on debates around radical democracy, the authors debate the issue of female-only performance spaces and their implications on what we can express and how we might be understood. This contribution seeks to initiate further debate on the inherent complexities of how women create and negotiate spaces of noise performance in the face of normative assumptions and associations that have simplified the debate – for example, that the loud, discordant, and arrhythmic is obnoxious, dangerous, and historically a masculine domain. 相似文献
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我国工会的本质特征决定了加强职工思想政治教育是我国高校工会实现教育职能的重要组成部分。加入WTO,对我国的高等教育将产生重大影响,我国高校工会必须切合WTO实际,有针对性地加强职工思想政治教育,促使广大教职工积极推动教育创新,增强教育竞争意识,抵御西方敌对势力的西化分化图谋,提高依法治教水平。 相似文献
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《Labor History》2012,53(2):180-197
This article analyses the strategies and the collective action of radical agrarian trade unions in Andalusia (the southern region of Spain) from the Political Transition until today. It traces the origins, evolution and recent transformations of the radical day labourer organisation, the Land Workers Union (Sindicato de Obreros del Campo) and the Andalusian Union of Workers (Sindicato Andaluz de Trabajadores). The article outlines the main factors for the survival of these organisations by using a synthetic and eclectic theoretical approach to collective action. 相似文献
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李慎忠 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2004,18(6):28-31
针对职代会建设遇到的新问题,在深化企事业改革中推进职代会制度的创新和发展,应切实规范和落实职代会的各项职权;总结吸收厂务公开工作创造的成果和经验,赋予职代会制度新的生命力;建立健全职工董事、职工监事制度,积极探索公司制企业职代会与股东会、董事会相互融合、相得益彰的运行模式;推广厂务质询制度,强化职代会闭会期间、厂务公开过程中的民主监督;畅通中央企业源头参与的渠道。 相似文献