Tidal Star Group:Catching Up with Global Wave and Keeping Contact with Friends Home and Abroad

Tidal Star Group(TSG) is a diversified modern enterprise with over 10 sub-companies,all located in major cities of China and engage in various fields including real estate,mineral exploration,high-tech investment,bio-tech research,pharmaceutical sales,media and press,clothing,decoration engineering,E-commerce,printing industry,etc..TSG has its CPC Committee,     

2010年俄罗斯对外政策：进展与问题

2010年俄罗斯在外交领域获得诸多重大突破：奥巴马政府在对外政策中大国合作理念在俄美关系中明显体现;俄罗斯与欧盟的现代化伙伴关系倡议进入实施阶段;中俄战略协作伙伴关系向深度和广度拓展;俄罗斯利用金融危机重掌独联体地区的主导权。尽管俄罗斯外交2010年取得了近些年来最为显著的成果,但是俄美关系的结构性矛盾并未消除,俄欧现代化伙伴关系的前景仍充满变数,中俄战略协作伙伴关系仍有亟待解决的问题,北约对独联体地区的政治与军事渗透也并未停止。     

2010年俄罗斯经济：艰难复苏与现代化战略

2010年俄罗斯经济缓慢复苏,经济增长带有不稳定不均衡特点。主要宏观经济指标有所提高,但农业遭受百年不遇的干旱和火灾,粮食严重歉收。联邦预算状况有所改善,但预算赤字没有消除。俄经济增长既得益于国际油价和冶金产品价格的上涨,也得益于政府的反危机政策。在经济复苏背景下,政府反危机与现代化相结合的经济政策,培育经济增长潜力,为危机后的经济发展奠定基础。预计未来几年俄经济仍将主要依赖国际石油价格行情,经济现代化前景取决于经济改革成效、制度安排及政策调整等多种因素。     

俄罗斯能源外交:理论学说的形成及发展趋势

在俄罗斯,能源不仅是国民经济的血脉和社会发展的动力,而且严重影响国家内政外交,并且,这种影响仍在继续加深。能源企业出口获得的巨额外汇收入,是俄罗斯最重要的财政源泉;最近几年,通过一系列能源外交活动,俄罗斯逐渐恢复本国在欧亚大陆及全球的政治影响和地缘优势;梅德韦杰夫就任总统后,继续把能源工业视为国民经济发展的动力,强调能源工业在俄罗斯恢复世界大国地位的外交杠杆作用,这使俄罗斯的外交政策具有了鲜明的能源特征。那么,从前任总统普京到现任总统的梅德韦杰夫,俄罗斯是如何形成了系统的能源外交学说?主要内容和支柱是什么?能源外交学说所依赖的能源工业基础和能源外交发展趋势如何?     

With a Little Help from My Friends: The Anglo-American Atomic Intelligence Partnership, 1945-1958

This article looks at the Anglo-American atomic intelligence relationship in the early post-war period. In 1946 the wartime sharing of technical atomic information was terminated; despite this barrier, atomic intelligence relations continued and given the common objective of discerning Soviet capabilities, flourished. The close relationship offered many mutual benefits to both sides. As such, the atomic intelligence relationship was to become a crucial instrument in achieving a resumption of relations in 1958, what Prime Minister Harold Macmillan referred to as the “great prize.” This article details the composition of the Anglo-American special-relationship's special-relationship, describing joint operations and placing these within the normal nuclear partnership at this time.     

Eroding Democracy: Federal Intervention in Russia's Gubernatorial Elections

Under some conditions, electoral politics may undermine democratization, even when the elections themselves adequately meet the usual standards. To illustrate this point, the article examines the dynamics of gubernatorial elections held in the 89 regions that comprise the Russian Federation during the first term of President Vladimir Putin. The analysis considers whether pressure from the federal executive and strategic changes in election timing influenced the results of these elections. The study contends that Putin's experience with gubernatorial elections led him to question their value and, ultimately, to eliminate them. Meanwhile, several of Russia's governors sent clear signals that they did not value free and fair elections. Since governors presiding over Russia's poorest regions were also the ones most likely to be insulated from public accountability, voters saw little value in defending the institution of gubernatorial elections. This helps explain the lack of public outcry following Putin's decision.     

俄罗斯的“中国威胁论”：历史与现实

俄罗斯的＂中国威胁论＂有其历史和现实原因,它是反华、侵华的历史残余,同时又有着较深厚的现实土壤,其内容比西方的＂中国威胁论＂更为广泛和具体。我们在制定对外政策时,应当对俄罗斯的＂中国威胁论＂给予重视,并采取相应的措施。     

Assessing Russia's cards: three petty games in Central Asia

Moscow's growing influence in Central Asia stems from the evolution of the region's five states in close correspondence with Vladimir Putin's semi‐authoritarian model. Absent adequate resources and consistent policies, however, Russia must engage in complicated manoeuvring in order to advance its interests. The result is not overt geopolitical competition with the West—often defined by the tired notion of the ‘Great Game’—but rather a series of at least three separate intrigues, or ‘petty games’.     

Russia's Attempts to Undermine Democracy in the West: Effects and Causes

By exploiting pre-existing divisions in Western societies and attempting to sway elections toward candidates palatable to the Kremlin, the Russian Federation has had some success in eroding social cohesion and confidence in the institutions of democracy. But pulling the West down has not improved Russia's position in the world. Russia today is less well-regarded, less prosperous, and less secure than it was before it began its campaign of sowing disorder. Since the Kremlin sees its actions as justified responses to the West's alleged attempts to undermine Russia, this is a price it is willing to pay. Rather than trying to convince Russia to cease its malign activities, Western societies need to look inward. We need to eliminate the societal divisions that Russia exploits rather than try to convince Russia not to exploit them, denying it fertile ground on which to scatter its seeds of disinformation and propaganda. Only then will we solve the “Russia problem.”     

Russia's African Toolkit: Digital Influence and Entrepreneurs of Influence

Today, Russian influence on the African continent is still anecdotic compared to the People's Republic of China, the United States, and former colonial powers, such as France. Yet, Moscow has committed to reasserting itself as an alternative pole of influence to China and Western countries in the eyes of some African elites. This article analyzes two key components of Russia's African toolkit: its media outlets such as RT and Sputnik, which have managed to impose themselves on the African media landscape, and its entrepreneurs of influence, in charge of influence campaigns of different scopes. The article contends that Russia's media success relies more on the appropriation of its informational content by African actors with their own political agendas than on Moscow convincing African audiences of the legitimacy of its foreign policy or political model, and that entrepreneurs of influence may play a useful, but limited, role in testing new parameters of influence.     

俄罗斯武器出口现状与趋势

进入21世纪后,俄罗斯武器出口呈高速增长态势,目前俄已成为与美国并驾齐驱的武器出口大国.从俄武器出口结构看,空、海军装备占主要比例,中国和印度是主要市场.俄武器出口快速增长与其国内经济发展形势、外部市场需求及俄出口战略调整密切相关.未来俄武器出口将受到其军工体系生产能力、国际武器市场供应格局变化以及世界经济运行周期性波动等诸多因素制约.     

俄罗斯联邦制的变革与面临的挑战

鉴于苏联解体的教训和俄联邦制面临解体的威胁,独立后的俄罗斯对如何加强联邦制极为重视.继叶利钦政权对现行体制的修补之后,又有普京总统的强化革新.但俄联邦制未来仍面临着诸多挑战.     

Russia's economic and strategic interests in North-East Asia

  Since the middle of the 1990s and especially after Vladimir Putin assumed the presidency Russia started to pursue an active foreign policy in North East Asia, an area considered vital for Russian national political, economic and strategic interests. While continuing to use every available method to conduct this policy Moscow placed special emphasis on promoting economic cooperation with the neighboring states, not in the least because of the development needs of Siberia and the Russian Far East. The current trends on the world energy market as well as the growing energy requirements of Russia's neighbors help to make at this stage exploration of Russian rich energy resources in East Siberia and around the Sakhalin Island to be one of the most attractive areas of regional economic cooperation. Even though these developments help to meet some of the current Russian requirements in foreign investments and modern technologies Russia is clearly interested in extending the scope of regional cooperation to other areas as well. In particular, Russia is interested in promoting its industrial exports. Another prospective area of its cooperation with regional states may cover joint transport projects – from construction of international gas and oil pipelines to linking Russian and Korean railway systems.     

友谊与利益:中非关系的独特性

随着中非关系在最近十年的发展,如何为中非关系定性的话题也随之而来有的称中国为“新殖民主义者”,而有的称中国为非洲的帮助者。对中国的指责主要来自西方国家(主要是美、英、法三国)的政治势力和新闻媒体,而在非洲人的积极支持下,中国人也做出有力的辩驳。本文认为,在涉及非洲发展和非洲尊严的重大问题上,与西方国家相比,中国与非洲建立联系的特点表明中国是对非洲更为有利的因素。     

俄罗斯在中亚的油气项目与投资

近年来，中亚能源战略意义凸显。为强化在全球能源市场上的地位，抵御外部势力染指中亚能源，俄罗斯加大对中亚油气投资力度，从资源、管线、市场三方面全面控制中亚能源。     

俄罗斯2000年的经济与未来的发展战略

2000年俄罗斯经济出现了转轨以来最好的发展局面,有的专家认为俄罗斯经济已进入恢复发展时期,并且预测未来10年俄罗斯经济年均增长速度将保持在5%以上。认真分析俄罗斯经济发展的动因,可以看出俄罗斯经济中依然存在着潜在的危机因素。俄罗斯2000年以后经济的持续发展不仅取决于国际和国内经济环境,更重要的还取决于未来的发展战略是否正确。     

俄罗斯在图们江区域合作中的地位与政策

在2008年9月1日举行的第四届东北亚经济合作论坛上,大图们江区域投资发展与东北亚经济合作成为首个议题,由此图们江区域合作再次受到媒体的关注。在图们江区域合作计划中,俄罗斯凭借地理、资源等优势被视为具有重要地位的参与主体,其对图们江区域合作的政策已成为影响该计划实施和推进的重要因素之一。     

应对金融危机:从比较中看俄罗斯经济的转型与发展

1998年和2008年的两次金融危机俄罗斯都没能幸免。两次危机中,虽然诱因不同,但俄罗斯均表现出了股市下挫、银行遭遇流动性危机、卢布贬值等特征。就危机前的宏观经济背景而言,两次危机期间都发生了国际原油价格的大幅下挫,但石油价格下降的原因、幅度及其对俄罗斯造成的影响却有所不同;两次危机都使俄罗斯受负债拖累,但1998年以主权债务为主,而2008年以企业债为主。从根本上来讲,两次危机都暴露出了俄罗斯依靠油气收益和外国低息贷款来发展经济的致命弱点,并且显示出近十年的经济转型与发展尚未从根本上改变其经济结构和发展模式。通过两次危机的对比,也再次证明市场经验不足的转型与发展中国家一定要慎重对待金融的开放与自由化。