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Taking the Spanish case as a departure point, this paper explores a variety of causes for the slowdown in female employment growth in Italy over recent years. The paper analyses the peculiarities of the Italian labour market, with a higher propensity to inactivity than in other countries, as well as the generally low educational levels among the Italian population and the pervasive presence of the black economy. It goes on to examine institutional and political features, such as the organisation of social policies, the political weakness of feminism, the role of the Catholic Church, family networks and the North–South duality (which is particularly extreme with regard to gender equality). The features studied relate to each other in a logic which could account for the divergent paths of the social position of women in Italy and Spain. The article is based in Labour Force and Multiscopo surveys, as well as on interviews with Italian social policy experts.  相似文献   

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This article addresses the complex reflections regarding gender relations expressed by women active in the contemporary Islamic revival movements in Europe (especially France and Germany). Much recent research conducted among these groups aims to counter the rather negative accounts prevailing in public discourses on gender and Islam. This literature notably argues that women's conscious turn to Islam is not necessarily a reaffirmation of male domination, but that it constitutes a possibility for agency and empowerment. However, when faced with certain ‘traditionalist’ positions defended by these women, even this well-meaning literature seems precarious, left in a state of uncertainty. Taking this puzzlement as a point of departure, this contribution aims to think about the dilemmas involved in articulating a language for women's dignity and self-realization, which competes with dominant languages of equality, individual rights and autonomy. This project is rendered even more intricate by the fact that these pious Muslim women socialized in Europe have also been partly fashioned by the liberal discourses against which they want to position themselves.  相似文献   

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On the eve of World War I, considerable tensions existed among French Catholics, Protestants, and Jews and between Catholics and the French state. The crisis provoked by the First World War allowed these faith groups to prove their worth to France through adherence to the Union sacrée. The wartime activities of Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish women became important symbols of each faith community's solidarity with France. The war made women representatives of their communities' devotion to France. Religious communities' portrayal of their women's wartime work illuminates the divergent goals for the Union sacrée among different faith communities.  相似文献   

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The 1921 Canadian Census is exploited to examine the labour market attainment of Canadian women. Acknowledging the general context of Catholic and Protestant divide and the tensions between francophones and anglophones during the WWI, special attention is paid to the influences of religious affiliation, ethnicity, and linguistic proficiency. Working urban women, overwhelmingly unmarried, are found to earn between 68 and 29% less than their male counterparts, depending on occupation and religio-linguistic group. The gender earnings gap is found to be the largest among francophone Catholics. When the sample is restricted to unmarried urban women, francophone Catholic females are found at a large disadvantage compared with anglophone Catholic and Protestant females. Bilingual Catholic women, mostly of French Canadian ethnicity, were the second lowest earning group in Canada of 1921. Bilingual Protestant women, on the other hand, are found to have had the most favourable labour market outcomes. The cumulative weight of the results indicates that among religious affiliation, ethnicity, and linguistic proficiency, ethnicity had exercised the strongest influence on the labour market attainment of Canadian women at that time.  相似文献   

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The selection and promotion of powerful role models was a major source of inspiration during the suffrage movement, with figures such as Joan of Arc invoked as justifying women’s rights. This research shows the tradition continued post-1914, but with a different focus. Well over a hundred amateur pageants of noble women were staged with a changing pantheon reflecting women’s new roles and aspirations. These events were staged by both religious and secular groups throughout Britain, but were most common in the small industrial towns of the Pennines, the South West and North East where Nonconformity was strong. The pageants varied from a couple of dozen performers to 1000, with newspapers frequently praising their elaborate costumes and historical accuracy. Though certain formats and characters appeared regularly, narrative choices often reflected the organisers’ tastes, sometimes introducing local heroines or reclaiming the Bible as a source of inspiration for powerful women.  相似文献   

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In the New Women's Movement we have discovered internal limitations to our liberation efforts. To a great extent these problems are the result of normative orientations of women. Internalized sex-role expectations lead women to reproduce the external conditions which serve to oppress them. Therefore women must begin to reflect critically upon these role models as a prerequisite for strategies for empowerment.However, the central sex-role expectations are contradictory: on the one hand women are socially obligated to behave in a loving and caring manner. The self denial and self-effacement which are demanded of women serve to maintain patriarchic dominance. On the other hand, this feminine social behavior encompasses a counterforce to the dominant values of exchange and competition: therefore it points beyond existing power relationships. Normative orientations of women ensure their accommodation and also their resistance to existing social relations.  相似文献   

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How religious or spiritual are feminists today? Filling a gap in the literature on feminism and religion, this article outlines findings from the first survey-based study of feminists’ spiritual attitudes in recent years. Drawing on survey data, this article explores the religious and spiritual views of 1,265 third-wave feminists, most of whom are women in their twenties and thirties. Comparison with surveys of religious adherence in the UK reveals that these feminists are significantly less religious and somewhat more spiritual than the general population. The article goes on to ask why this might be, and suggests three explanations: feminism's alignment with secularism, secularization and feminism's role within it, and feminism's association with alternative spiritualities.  相似文献   

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According to the sources the position of women in Old Norse society was rather good. In this article the trustworthiness of the portrayal of women in saga literature is discussed. Special emphasis is given to the goading women since the picture of the strong women in Old Norse society leans very heavily on this motif. Today some scholars believe in the goading women, others regard them to be the authors’ invention. In this article it is argued that the goading women belong to real life, and that women who goaded acted in a female role which gave them real power. Finally, the author tries to point out a few factors which could explain the basis for women's power in Old Norse society.  相似文献   

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Past feminism was made to vanish, so that only now are we beginning to realise the full extent of our history. The same process is already beginning to happen to present feminism—we too are being made invisible. One instance of this process is examined in the work of some ‘radical’ male academics. They use the work of various sexual theorists (Lacan, Gagnon and Simon, Foucault) to construct a particular and de-politicized version of ‘sexual politics’; and in doing so they recognize only an equally partial version of ‘feminism’. It seems that ‘our friends’, ‘radical’ men, are at least as dangerous as the rest, for they increasingly claim the right to ‘name’ feminism and sexual politics for us.  相似文献   

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This article discusses various models of children's out-of-school care arrangements, mainly in the United States of America. Forms of care include programs or centers, family day care homes, and self-care. The implications of each of these different systems of care and outcomes for both children and their parents are reviewed through the lens of existing research. While there is no consensus in the research literature, so-called “latch-key” children appear to experience more negative effects than supervised peers, although these negative effects may be mitigated by variables, such as the amount of time spent alone and the parent-child relationship. A small group of studies finds positive outcomes for children who participate in recreational after-school programs, although age-inappropriate care arrangements and age of participating child may be associated with negative outcomes. No research has been conducted across program types. Many mothers of school-age children without regular after-school care or alternative care on school holidays, appear to accomodate their career and work choices to their children's schedules, possibly in order to avoid the “latch-key” alternative.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article analyses the fama sanctitatis of three mystic women who lived in Italy in the nineteenth century. Through their exceptional phenomena, they earned celebrity and notoriety, becoming charismatic leaders in their communities. These women had an impact on contemporary society by providing innovative models. For the nuns locked in monasteries, Maria Rosa Serra (1766-after 1806) was a model of an active nun. To the ‘angels of the hearth’, Elisabetta Canori Mora (1774–1825) proved that holiness could also be achieved in the domestic sphere. In contrast to the image of the secluded virgin, Maria Domenica Lazzeri (1815–1848) was a model of the ‘victim souls’ in a semi-public place. The analysis of these women allows us to learn more about the charismatic power in the construction of religious celebrities; the women’s role in the nineteenth century; the creation of new models and the autonomy granted them by the Church.  相似文献   

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Thirty-six male students, drawn from a sample of 1195, were interviewed to obtain a personal history. A battery of projective psychological tests (Rorschach and TATs) were also administered to them. The students were divided into four groups of nine each, Jewish radicals (JR), Christian radicals (CR), Jewish moderates (JM), and Christian moderates (CM), to test the significance of religious background as it related to political outlook. Eight significant psychological variables were found and defined. No differences were found between JMs and CMs. Radicals differed from moderates on three variables: negative identity, masochistic surrender, and treating people as concepts. In addition, JR subjects demonstrated consistently a wandering fantasy, flight from the mother, the mother as salient, and machismo as psychological variables. CRs were not characterized by any of these variables. As with both groups of moderates, the father of the CRs was psychologically salient, but unlike the moderates, CTs perceived their fathers as flawed. The possible dynamic meaning of these configurations is discussed, as are their possible relationship to radical behavior and radical political ideology.This study was supported by grants from the American Jewish Committee and The National Science Foundation (GS35307A).Director of Resident Education, McLean Hospital. M.D., Harvard Medical School; residency training at Boston Veteran's Administration Hospital and Beth Israel Hospital in psychiatry. Psychoanalytic training, Boston Psychoanalytic Institute. Major interest: depression.Director of Training for Psychology Interns. Ph.D., Brandeis, 1960; Master's degree, University of Illinois. Major interest: schizophrenia.Professor of Political Science, Smith College. Major interest: modern European history — applying psychoanalytic methods to historical and social problems like student activism.  相似文献   

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Through an ethnographic account of a social reform project led by Islamic activist women in the village of Mehmeit in rural Egypt, this article analyses women's Islamic activism as a form of worship. Women's experiences of activism are at the centre of this account, which highlights their attempts to economically and socially develop a destitute rural community. Their development ideals mirror the embedded principles of liberal secular modernity and offer a tangible example of the concomitance of these so-called binaries of religion and secularism in women's religious activism. Normative assumptions regarding religion and secularism as two binary constructs have largely dictated a monolithic view of women who engage in Islamic activism as religious subjects primarily devoted to a spiritual, internal faith. Persistent models of religious selves engaged in a continuous exercise of self-fashioning towards a fixed ‘religious ideal’ overlook the complexity and seamlessness of the desires that animate these subjectivities. Moreover, it is inaccurate to represent participants in Islamic activism as homogenized into one overarching group that adheres to standardized religious membership criteria. Discourses of modernity have also constructed separate spheres of what is defined as religion and secularism. Yet, these spheres, in practice, are not always so neatly demarcated as they are in modern principles. Societies shaped by the historical and temporal dynamics of colonialism, modernization, secularization and nation building projects present more complex and heterogeneous forms of subjectivities in their members. This article illustrates how a theoretical concomitance of religion and secularism opens up new possible considerations of women's activism in Islamic movements. The author argues that the desires and subjectivities of Islamic women that inform their activism are ultimately linked to the historical emergence of secularism and state modernization schemes aimed at transforming Muslim subjects into modern citizens of liberal democracies.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This article explores the concepts of citizenship and feminism as interpreted by six large voluntary and mainstream women's groups in England during the years 1928–39. The six organisations considered here are the Mothers' Union, the Young Women's Christian Association, the Catholic Women's League, the National Federation of Women's Institutes, the National Union of Townswomen's Guilds and the National Council of Women. The article asks why these organisations, which declared they were not feminist were committed to highlighting, and fighting for, the rights of newly enfranchised women citizens. It is concluded that for these organisations the concept of citizenship for women, as opposed to feminism, was a more effective way to secure social and economic rights for the majority of women during the inter-war period.  相似文献   

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