Greater Periphery and China, the U. S. and Neighbors

Lu: The world situation tends to be relaxed generally. Big powers often interact, especially in Asia, because China is developing and Asia is developing as well. When we review peripheral and regional situa- tions, we can see it. In China's concept of diplomacy, periphery is put at the foremost position and China's periphery is in a sense the U. S. ' strategic front. Therefore, building a greater peripheral environment, coping well with China's relations with the U. S. and China's Neigh-…     

Saving the league: V.K. Wellington Koo,the league of nations and Sino‐Japanese conflict, 1931–39

In 1919, VK. Wellington Koo, the most famous Chinese diplomat of the early twentieth century, participated in the creation of the League of Nations at the Paris Peace Conference. Little over a decade later, as Japanese forces expanded into Manchuria and North China, Koo struggled to save the League he had helped found. He argued that inability or refusal to brand Japan as an aggressor would sound the League's death knell. In vain, Koo tried to convince European statesmen that the Far Eastern Crisis was a litmus test of the League's viability as a collective security organization. From 1936 on, League inaction in the face of Japanese, German and Italian expansion left Koo thoroughly disillusioned. The lessons of the League were not forgotten during World War II, when Koo argued that a more effective collective security organization, in the form of the United Nations, be created on a basis similar to Franklin D. Roosevelt's Four Policemen concept.     

Tweaking the Lion's Tail: Edgar J. Tarr,the Canadian Institute of International Affairs,and the British Empire, 1931–1950

In its first 2 decades the Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA), Canada's premier foreign policy think tank, never functioned merely as a neutral and apolitical research organization. Under the leadership of Edgar Tarr, president of the Monarch Life Assurance Company, and in its capacity as the Canadian Council of the transnational Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR), in the 1930s and 1940s the CIIA became an instrument that championed Canadian national autonomy and sought to expand Canada's international role, while challenging British imperialism, racism, and Anglo–Saxon dominance. Prominent Canadian diplomats and other officials were complicit in this enterprise, which reached its apogee at the IPR conference held at Mont Tremblant, Quebec, in December 1942. The CIIA's activities during this period revealed the porosity and imprecision of the boundaries in Canada between the state and non-state realms. Throughout World War II, DEA and other Canadian government representatives attended CIIA and IPR conferences as “official non-officials,” effectively cooperating with private individuals in a network of purportedly non-governmental organizations that enabled Canada to exert leverage on the British government, reject British leadership, align itself with the United States, and secure a greater world role. CIIA leaders and Canadian officials also consciously encouraged nationalist forces in India, China, and Southeast Asia that sought to reject colonial rule and Western dominance. CIIA activities thus became part of a web of diplomatic interactions across a transnational network of think tanks within and outside the British Empire that had their own impact upon international affairs.     

The Changes of the U. S. and the Constraints It Facing

The war in Iraq is coming to an end, and the military actions are giving place to the reconstructions of that country's political, economic and social systems. This war marks a major event in international rela     

How Can China, the U.S. and China＇ s Neighbors Interact Positively？

New Developments Before the 2008 financial crisis,and especially before the U.S.began its "return" to Asia,relations between China,the U.S.and China's neighbors in East Asia were not a major issue.However,since 2010,relations have been stirred up.Take the Cheonan incident,the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island,the Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan,the Huangyan Island confrontation between China and the Philippines,and the South China Sea issue,for example.Sino-U.S.relations have grown more complex,and sovereignty disputes between China and some of its neighbors have intensified.At the same time,relations between the U.S.and most of China'sneighbors have improved.The U.S.' decision to "pivot" to Asia contains many objectives.     

The U.S.in the Iraqi Quagmire

More than one year has passed since President George W. Bush made explanation of the reason forlaunching Iraq War on September 12,2002 at the UN General Assembly. More than 6 months havepassed since the outbreak of that war. And nearly 5 months have already passed since the announcementby Mr. Bush of the ending of major battles in the war. The turn of events was just as expected by mostobservers of international relations, but was to a great extent out of the U. S. decision - makers' anticipa-     

George W.Bush Reelected & the Sino-U.S.Relationship

The US presidential election of 2004 is a big event of the year that has attracted worldwide attention. After a fierce fight, George Walker Bush, the GOP's candidate and incumbent president, won the reelection at last. How will Bush's foreign policy and China policy be like in his second term? The question has now drawn widespread concern in the academic circles.     

Letter of Congratulations from H.E. Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé,Chairman of the Togo Union for the Republic and President of the Republic of Togo

<正>On 12 August,the International Civil Society Solidarity Conference on Global Development Initiative is held in Beijing under the theme of working together to build a global development community and deliver on the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.I am very pleased and honoured to congratulate President Xi Jinping and the organisers for the success of this Conference.     

The London Ambassadorship of David K. E. Bruce During the Wilson-Johnson Years, 1964–68

Using recently released sources, this article offers a fresh perspective on the London ambassadorship of David K. E. Bruce in the years of Harold Wilson and Lyndon Johnson, 1964–68. Bruce's running of the US Embassy is examined, as are his views of the Anglo-American relationship. Further attention is given to his diplomatic management of the Anglo-American relationship in the context of the difficult personal relations between Wilson and Johnson and with regard to policy differences over the Vietnam War and Britain's position as a world power. It is argued that while Bruce did help to ease some of the personal strains between Wilson and Johnson, he was generally less significant to the White House than has previously been asserted. It is also contended that his vision of Britain joining the EEC, yet retaining extensive military commitments beyond Europe was not viable.     

Two-Level Negotiations and U.S. Foreign Policy: The Failure of the Johnson Plan for the Palestinian Refugees, 1961–1962

The Kennedy administration sought to resolve the Palestine refugee problem in 1961–62 with a plan for compensation, resettlement, or repatriation under the formal auspices of the United Nations Palestine Conciliation Commission and negotiated by UN special envoy Dr. Joseph Johnson. The negotiations failed and the plan was canceled by the administration in December 1962. The article utilizes a multi-level conceptual model which examines the links between interstate negotiation, domestic politics and boundary-crossing interactions between foreign states and non-state domestic actors and their impact on foreign policy. It analyzes the multi-level negotiations that were conducted between representatives of the governments of Israel and the United States regarding the Johnson proposals, discussions held between Israel representatives and American Jewish leaders and prominent Jewish individuals, and between American government representatives and these same Jewish leaders and individuals. The study analyzes the factors that contributed to the failure of the plan and illustrates the nexus between foreign policy and domestic politics and the role of non-state actors in foreign policy decision making.     

Ponder over the Changes in Sino-Russian-U. S. Ties

Some changes have indeed taken place in international situation from September 11 to Iraq war. Changes in big power relations in particular have given food for thought. Today Ⅰ would like to focus on the changes in the relations among China, Russia and the United States as well as my consideration of China's diplomacy. When we talk about changes in the relations among the three na